Sunday, February 20, 2005

UPDATED - Brandeis U. alert: sexual exploiter, Rabbi Mark A. Golub, is approaching young women at Brandeis University, he is misrepresenting himself

8 Comments:

At 8:42 AM, Blogger jewishwhistleblower said...

Someone recently asked me, as there is no mechanism for dealing with sexual predators in the Jewish community, what does a community leader do when approached with allegations? How do they get information?

Answer: google

Folks, how many others like Golub are targetting our young people? We need to develop on-line information and put these people's names up.

I'm proud of the assistance my information has made in this situation. But let me stress again this is why we need the Awareness Center. This is why the community needs to support the Awareness Center's efforts and provide them with resources.

We need webpages like this:
http://www.theawarenesscenter.org/Golub_Mark.html

1.
https://lists.brandeis.edu/wws/arc/hillel/2005-02/msg00004.html

Important Safety Alert Allan Lehmann

From: "Allan Lehmann" alehmann@brandeis.edu
To: "'Aharon Frazer'" rafrazer@brandeis.edu,hillel@lists.brandeis.edu, smendales@hillelcouncil.org, ecallaha@brandeis.edu
Subject: Important Safety Alert
Date: Fri, 11 Feb 2005 13:18:06 -0500
Importance: Normal

Dear Students,

We wish to advise you of a serious safety concern that has been brought to our attention.

A rabbi named Marc Golub recently invited a student on the Brandeis campus to participate in an interfaith text study, sponsored by a Conservative movement Keruv (outreach) Project. The student detected something inappropriate about his manner, and reported her concern about his intentions to Rabbi Frazer.

Upon investigation, we determined the following:

1)JewishWhistleBlower.com reports that Rabbi Golub worked as a mental health counselor in Virginia until he lost “his professional counseling license for having sex with a female client, according to a state disciplinary order... The order said Golub had sex with one client, offered money and jobs to two and made inappropriate comments about all three..." Shortly after this disciplinary action, Golub resigned his position as the rabbi of Temple Sinai in Virginia.

2) Officials at the New England Region of the United Synagogue for Conservative Judaism knew nothing of the grant or project that Golub claims to represent.

3) Golub is not affiliated with Brandeis University or Hillel in any way.

We have notified the Department of Public Safety, and they are taking all necessary steps to protect students. Rabbi Golub should not appear on campus in the future; students are urged to report any contact with him to the Department of Public Safety or to one of us. Students are also reminded not to share personal contact information with him or other strangers.

We appreciate that this issue was brought to our attention, and emphasize that vigilance in reporting all contact with suspicious people on campus helps the campus police keep the community safe.

Sincerely,

Rabbi Allan Lehmann - Jewish Chaplain, Rabbinic Director of Hillel

Rabbi Aharon Frazer - Director, Hillel's Jewish Learning Initiative

2.
http://www.brandeis.edu/departments/public_safety/
Contact Information
Mailing Address
Department of Public Safety
Stoneman Building Mailstop 066
Brandeis University
P.O. Box 9110
Waltham, MA 02454 Phone (781) 736-5000 non-emergency;
Parking: 64250;
781) 736-3333 emergency
Fax (781) 736-8696
Director of Public Safety Edward Callahan:
Phone (781) 736-4240
Fax (781) 736-4241

3.
http://jewishwhistleblower.blogspot.com/2004/12/even-though-he-was-stripped-of.html#comments

New page (no longer Rabbi):
http://www.geocities.com/temple_emmanuel/rabbi.htm

Old cached page:
http://216.239.63.104/search?q=cache:ij9lh3j_T8UJ:www.geocities.com/temple_emmanuel/rabbi.htm+Temple+Emmanuel+golub&hl=en

Rabbi Mark A. Golub

Our new Rabbi, Mark A. Golub, graduated cum laude from Tufts University in 1961 with a major in French Literature and minors in Psychology and Sociology. He was ordained a Rabbi by the Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion in Cincinnati in 1967, where he earned Bachelor's and Master's degrees in Hebrew Letters. He served as a Jewish Chaplain in South Vietnam, where he received the Bronze Star, the Vietnam Service Medal and the U.S. Commendation Medal for meritorious service in a hostile war zone.

Rabbi Golub has served congregations in New York, Montreal, Ohio, Florida and Virginia. He received a Master's degree in Education and an Education Specialist degree from the College of William and Mary. He has been widely published in various Judaic and lay print media and has appeared on many television and radio programs dealing with sensitive issues in the Jewish and general communities. His special interests include interfaith relations, where he has led and founded many inter-religious organizations and fellowships, and Jewish education and youth, in which he has served as director and advisor to numerous Religious Schools and youth groups over the years.

At Temple Emmanuel, Rabbi Golub continues his career-long devotion to member needs, religious education and congregational development. He invites all those interested in Temple Emmanuel and its egalitarian approach to Conservative Judaism to stop by and meet him and learn about the fine congregation he leads.

1)
Peninsula Rabbi Loses Counseling LIcense Over Sexual Charges
By ASSOCIATED PRESS
The Virginian Pilot - Feb 18, 1998

NEWPORT NEWS -- Mark A. Golub, a local rabbi who has worked as a mental health counselor, was stripped of his professional counseling license for having sex with a female client, according to a state disciplinary order.

But Golub denied the findings in the order issued by the state board that regulates mental health counselors, even though he signed it. ``I am categorically innocent of everything,'' he said in an interview with the Newport News Daily Press. Golub's lawyer is seeking to appeal the order, which involves counseling that was unrelated to Golub's position as a rabbi.

The disciplinary order - unanimously approved Friday by the Virginia Board of Licensed Professional Counselors, Marriage and Family Therapists and Substance Abuse Professionals - said Golub had inappropriate relationships with three clients.

The order said Golub had sex with one client, offered money and jobs to two and made inappropriate comments about all three. He saw the women between February 1996 and July 1997 as a counselor with the Hampton-Newport News Community Services Board.

2)
RABBI LEAVES SYNAGOGUE AFTER DISCIPLINE BY STATE
February 19, 1998
Richmond Times-Dispatch

Rabbi Mark A. Golub, disciplined last week for sexual misconduct in his work as a mental health counselor, has resigned as spiritual leader of Temple Sinai.

Golub resigned Tuesday night, and the synagogue's board of directors unanimously voted to accept the resignation, said Evelyn Adams-Ledford, president of the congregation.

An investigation by the Virginia Department of Health Professions concluded that Golub had sex with a woman he was counseling and broke other regulations while counseling three clients at the Hampton-Newport News Community Services Board in 1996 and 1997.

Golub signed a regulatory board order admitting to the misconduct but then denied the allegations in a published interview. Golub's counseling work was unrelated to his position at the synagogue, where he served for 11 years.

3)
SPIRITED CELEBRATION AS SANCTUARY HITS 50
by Kathy McCabe, Globe Staff Correspondent
The Boston Globe
March 27, 2003

On Chestnut Street, just where a hill starts to climb, a spacious white house blends easily into the quiet neighborhood of single- family homes.

But the stucco structure at 120 Chestnut St. is not a home, but a house of worship. This is Temple Emmanuel, Wakefield's only synagogue, which has nourished Jewish faith and learning for half a century. This weekend, the small Conservative congregation will mark a milestone: the 50th anniversary of the dedication of its sanctuary.

A sanctuary, or worship space, is the sacred heart of any house of worship. At Temple Emmanuel, the sanctuary is where the circle of life and faith begins and ends. It is where babies are named, couples marry, and adolescents read from the Torah at a bar mitzvah or bat mitzvah, the ceremony marking their passage from childhood to adulthood.

At services on Friday nights and Saturday mornings, or on holidays like Passover, which starts next month, the sanctuary is where Jews young and old seek God's grace. This weekend, congregants will gather in song and prayer to rededicate the sanctuary, during a weekend of special Shabbat, or Jewish sabbath, services. The celebration falls after the sanctuary's official dedication date of Sept. 17, 1952, but falls in the temple's golden anniversary year.

On Friday, Rabbi Mark A. Golub, the temple's spiritual leader since 2001, will deliver a special sermon during an 8 p.m. Shabbat service. On Saturday, services will be held at 9:30 a.m., and a special Havdalah Service, marking the end of the sabbath, will be held at 7 p.m. on Saturday. A reception will follow. The public is welcome.

"All the religious occasions in our life as Jews take place in the sanctuary," Golub said as he sat in the temple's small library, just off the sanctuary. "It is where our life cycle is [celebrated] and our holidays celebrated. But it is also a place where people can close their eyes and meditate."

Temple Emmanuel's sanctuary was dedicated in the spring of 1952, five years after the congregation formed. Until then, synagogue meetings were held first at the Wakefield YMCA and in a small chapel on Lake Quannapowitt. But with its membership growing, mostly due to the migration of Jews from cities like Chelsea, Malden and Revere, founders decided the temple needed a permanent home, according to a temple history.

In 1951, Temple Emmanuel purchased the former Yuell family estate on Chestnut Street. Over the next year, the manor-like home was converted into a Jewish temple, with classrooms, meeting and social rooms, and a sanctuary. "It was a beautiful home in a great location," said Liz Freeman, the temple historian. "In those days, people didn't drive a lot. But they could walk there from other neighborhoods or from the train. It just had a nice feel to it."

The congregation's effort to make a home for itself in Wakefield drew strong community support. The town's 11 Christian churches, most of them Catholic and Protestant denominations, contributed to the building fund. When the first service was celebrated, First Parish Congregational Church, the Greenwood Union Church and the Wakefield Daily Item, the town's daily newspaper, sent flowers for the pulpit.

Today, as Temple Emmanuel marks a sacred anniversary, Wakefield's Christian community continues to embrace its Jewish neighbor. "We're pleased for them that they're celebrating this," said the Rev. Katharine C. Evans, convenor of the Wakefield Interfaith Clergy Association, which includes most of the town's religious leaders. "The faith community in Wakefield is very strong. It is good for us to have the Jewish perspective. We all try to work together."

The Christian community last fall showed its loyalty to Temple Emmanuel. Avowed racist Matthew Hale, whose World Church of the Creator is anti-Jewish, spoke at the Wakefield library. In response, Wakefield churches organized a counter talk called "Love Lives Here," to promote tolerance and respect for all faiths in town. Yom Kippur, the most sacred holiday, followed a day later. The town's police department offered Temple Emmanuel extra security for the high holy services, Golub recalled.

"We felt the support of Wakefield at that very difficult time," Golub said. "It was almost as if the community was trying to protect us and we very much appreciated that. . . It's important, as the only Jewish temple in town, that we not isolate ourselves. I can go into any church in the community and feel welcome." A community seder, open to the public, has been scheduled for April 17, the second day of Passover, he said.

Today, Temple Emmanuel is home to 90 families. Although most live in Wakefield, Lynnfield, Stoneham, and Reading, members also come from North Reading, Peabody, Saugus, Billerica, and Woburn to attend services. The temple has about 30 children enrolled in religious education and Hebrew School. A Couple's Club recently formed to encourage members to socialize outside of the temple. New programs include a Tot Shabbat, designed to encourage young families to come to synagogue. Money is being raised to add an elevator, to make the three-story building accessible for the elderly and disabled.

The golden anniversary of the sanctuary has been planned to celebrate Temple Emmanuel as a family of faith. "A synagogue has three traditional functions: A house of prayer, a house of study, and a house of assembly," Golub said. "Of those three, the most important is prayer. Because we are a House of Worship, it's important that we reconsecrate the sanctuary."

Congregation members young and old will celebrate. Rosamond Leavitt, 85, is a founding member. Along with her husband, Dr. Joseph Leavitt who is now deceased, the couple helped the congregation find a permanent home. Over the years, both were active in the temple, with Rosamond serving as its first woman president. "I always felt privileged to be part of it," said Leavitt, who now lives in Boston. "It was so important to my husband and I, when we were moving to a community where we were in the distinct minority, that we had a place where our children could know their Jewish heritage."

Ellen Scott, 40, a mother of two young children, similarly has found a home at Temple Emmanuel. Scott and her husband, Gregory, are a mixed family. Gregory was raised Catholic. Today, the couple's children, Shayna 10, and Jordan, 8, are growing up Jewish. "What I love about it [the temple] is that it is so welcoming," said Scott, who joined seven years ago. "Whether you are a mixed marriage or not, whether you can read Hebrew or not, people are made to feel like they belong."

Kathy McCabe's e-mail address is kmccabe@globe.com.

GLOBE NORTH 1 / WAKEFIELD

Caption: 1. Rabbi Mark Golub makes a point with students at Temple Emmanuel in Wakefield. They are, from left, Shayna Scott, 10; Scott Onigman, 9; Rebecca Spivack, 10; and Shira Faigel, 9. / GLOBE PHOTO / SARAH BREZINSKY 2. Rabbi Mark Golub addresses a class at Temple Emmanuel. The synagogue is celebrating its sanctuary's 50th anniversary. / GLOBE PHOTO / SARAH BREZINSKY

4.
http://jewishwhistleblower.blogspot.com/2005/01/stripped-of-professional-counseling.html#comments

1)
http://www2.townonline.com/malden/atGlance/view.bg?articleid=164042
Malden Observer
Religious notes
Friday, January 14, 2005

Agudas Achim-Ezrath Israel

Congregation Agudas Achim-Ezrath Israel, 245 Bryant St. will hold its first Friday Night Service of the new year on Jan. 14 at 8 p.m. Rabbi Mark Golub will speak on the "Legacy of Martin Luther King, Is It Good for the Jews?" An Oneg Shabbat will follow.

There will be an Interactive Service, Saturday, Jan. 15 at 10:45 a.m. specially designed for children and their families. The services will be led by Hebrew School principal,Julie Cohen. Regular services will be at 9:30 a.m. led by Rabbi Mark Golub and Sexton Wayne Freedman. A Kiddush will follow both services. All are welcome.

The Men's Club of the Congregation will hold its monthly meeting on Sunday, Jan. 16 at 10 a.m. A continental breakfast will be served. Wayne Freedman will preside.

2)
CASTING BREAD ON THE WATER NOURISHES A CONGREGATION
SYMBOLIC ACT HELPS IN READINESS FOR JEWISH HOLY DAY
Boston Globe, The (MA)
September 23, 2004
by Kathy McCabe, Globe Staff

Men, women, and children tossed bits of bread into Fellsmere Pond, a serene spot in the West End of Malden. But it wasn't a flock of ducks happily diving for the crumbs that drew the group to the water's edge.

It was the chance for members of Congregation Agudas Achim Ezrath Israel, a Jewish synagogue on Bryant Street, to cleanse their souls by symbolically casting away their sins, during the High Holy Days. A 10-day period of repentance, the holy days started Sept. 15 with Rosh Hashana, the Jewish New Year, and will end at sunset Saturday on Yom Kippur, the holiest day of the year for Jews around the world.

Yom Kippur, called the Day of Atonement, is a time for Jews to ask God to forgive their sins against God. Services at the synagogue start at 6:15 p.m. tomorrow with a Kol Nidre service, the most solemn vigil of the holy days. On Saturday, services start at 9 a.m., break from 2:30 to 4:30 p.m., and continue until nightfall.

At Congregation Agudas Achim Ezrath Israel, established a year ago by the merger of neighboring synagogues Agudas Achim and Ezrath Israel along Bryant Street, the new year brings the promise of prosperity.

"The temple is like an extended family," said Barbara Weiner, a 47-year member and past president of Ezrath Israel. "We're hopefully looking to a very good year of happiness."

In the year ahead, the congregation plans to reach out to families, increase fund-raising, and offer new and different religious services. The congregation now has 130 families and individuals, most of whom live in Malden, but hopes to grow to 150 over the next year.

"What we have now is very positive and dynamic," said Rabbi Mark A. Golub, the congregation's first religious leader. "But I'd like to see us grow so that [the synagogue] can take its rightful place as a leading [worship site] in the community. "

The synagogue is one of four Jewish synagogues and the only Conservative congregation in a city once a center of Jewish faith and culture. The others are Beth Israel Congregation of Malden and Young Israel of Malden, both Orthodox congregations, and Temple Tifereth Israel, a Reform congregation. Malden, a city of about 56,000 people, once was home to thousands of Jews, most of whom built an enclave around old Suffolk Square. But today, the Jewish population in Malden is thought to be fewer than 5,000, locals say.

"When I was growing up, Malden was probably 35 percent Jewish," said Harvey Steller, 57, president of Congregation Agudas Achim Ezrath Israel. "Now, today, there are 5,000 or less. . . . I am a little hopeful, though. There seems to be more Jewish families moving back to Malden, particularly in the West End."

Over the years, Jewish families moved out of urban areas such as Malden to suburbs such as Swampscott and Marblehead. Combined Jewish Philanthropies of Boston will conduct its 10-year census next year. The most recent data, from 1995, showed 7,500 Jews living in Malden, Chelsea, Everett, Medford, Revere, and Winthrop, a 53 percent drop from 1985, when Jews numbered 16,000 in the area,

The shrinking numbers have prompted several area Jewish congregations to merge or share resources. In Malden, the merger between Agudas Achim and Ezrath Israel actually reunited two congregations.

Agudas Achim, formed about 100 years ago, was an Orthodox synagogue on Harvard Street. Prayers and services were offered in Hebrew, and religious observance was strict. About 20 years later, a group of more liberal-minded members broke off. They moved to Bryant Street to form Temple Ezrath Israel, a Conservative congregation with a more liberal bent. Services were in English, and women were welcome on the bimah, to read from the Torah during services.

Over the years, as membership and the Jewish population declined, the two congregations tried to get back together. A main sticking point was the role of women, who in Orthodox congregations are seen as equal, but separate, from men. They do not take an active role in services, for example.

"Because they wouldn't accept women on the bimah, we stopped talking," said Weiner, who represented Ezrath Israel on the merger committee. "We started again when we came to agreement that women are fine. That's when we were finally able to say, `Let's get together.' "

They agreed to form a new Conservative congregation, where men and women are equal and young families welcome. A year ago, in a solemn procession, members carried the Torah from Agudas Achim to Ezrath Israel, the new temple's home. A sign bearing the name Congregation Agudas Achim Ezrath Israel officially went up last week.

Although there were some anxious moments, such as deciding which name would go first on the new congregation, the merger has gone smoothly, members say.

"It's been wonderful," said Hyman Sandler, chairman of the house committee. "Whenever two congregations come together, there is always a concern that some might feel like they are second-class citizens. But in fact, that hasn't been the case here."

The new congregation is on more solid financial footing. Dues are $350 per year for families. Helped by weekly Bingo games and private donations, costs are under control.

"We've got some money in the bank," Steller said. "We're paying our bills. Financially and really all around, we're stronger now than before."

Members from each of the original congregations serve as officers. There are about 15 new Torah scrolls among the religious items. Memorial plaques honoring beloved members of Agudas Achim have been placed inside the sanctuary at Ezrath Israel.

A new building committee aims to improve facilities. Windows and doors will be fixed, and the parking lot renovated. The ritual committee, which plans services, is working to expand programming. Tot Shabbat, services geared to children, will be held more often. And special services will be added. Tashlich, a centuries-old custom where Jews symbolically cast away their sins in the form of bread crumbs on a body of water and resolve to do better, was held for the first time by the newly formed congregation.

"I sense a real desire here in this community," said Golub, a seasoned rabbi who most recently served a congregation in Wakefield. "People want to come together. . . . My goal is to bring them together, and serve them, to the best of my ability."

Some say they feel blessed to be brought together. "I hadn't done this in years," said David Friedman, 60, a former member of Agudas Achim who took part in the Tashlich service. "It's just nice to be together."

"It was fun," said Sam Masters, 10, after tossing bread crumbs to the ducks. "I like it because I know I'm doing something religious, too."

Kathy McCabe can be reached at kmccabe @globe.com.

 
At 2:52 PM, Blogger jewishwhistleblower said...

http://www.thejusticeonline.com/news/864591.html?mkey=1460400

The Justice: The Independent Student Newspaper of Brandeis University

Rabbi of ill repute recruits for unsanctioned text study
By Jacob Olidort
Published: Tuesday, February 15, 2005

Rabbi Marc Golub, a former mental health counselor and spiritual leader who had sex with a female client while working for a Virginia mental health treatment center from 1996 to 1997, appeared on campus last week and asked students to participate in an interfaith text study not sanctioned by Brandeis Hillel or any regional Jewish organization.

Golub told students the text study was sponsored by a Conservative Jewish outreach project, but officials in the New England region of the United Synagogue for Conservative Judaism say they know nothing of such a project, according to an e-mail sent to Hillel members Friday by Allan Lehmann, the University's Jewish chaplain.

Golub served as the rabbi of Virginia's Temple Sinai for 11 years before resigning a week after being disciplined by the Virginia Department of Health Professions, the Richmond Times-Dispatch reported in 1998.

Director of Public Safety Ed Callahan sent a campus-wide e-mail Monday that asked students to contact the Department of Public Safety if they have seen anything suspicious.

"I'm still waiting to converse with students who have interacted with this person," Callahan said. "So I'm not trying to panic people, but we should initiate caution when we interact with people who aren't directly part of this community."

Golub signed a regulatory board order admitting to misconduct in February 1998, but later denied the acts in a published interview, according to the Times-Dispatch report.

The article also said that a Virginia Department of Health Professions investigation "concluded that Golub had sex with a woman he was counseling and broke other regulations while counseling three clients at the Hampton-Newport News Community Services Board in 1996 and 1997."

Callahan said that an investigation is underway, and that he has banned Golub from entering campus property.

He has written Golub and will send an all-campus e-mail to serve as notification of this action.

"I'm concerned about this being a safe campus for our students and wanting our campus to be a place where people can study and interact safely," Lehmann said.

 
At 8:14 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

A Rash Of Feminist Hate Speech
By Carey Roberts (05/04/05)

A woman named Mary took the open microphone. “Hello, my name is Mary Man-Hating-is-Fun,” she explained. “Ever since I learned to embrace my feminist nature, I found great joy in threatening men’s lives, flicking off frat brothers and plotting the patriarchy’s death. I hate men because they are men.”

The 40 women in the audience, many wearing scissors around their necks, laughed and clapped, then broke into a light-hearted song about castration.

This event, advertised as the Patriarchy Slam, took place at the University of New Hampshire on March 10. [www.rense.com/general63/dur.htm]

Some might be tempted to explain away this event as an aberration, perhaps some strange Wiccan initiation ritual performed at the end of a long New England winter.

For years, disdain for men has been nurtured in Women’s Studies programs around the country. Required reading for these courses typically includes the works of Andrea Dworkin, author of such books as “The SCUM Manifesto.” SCUM is an acronym for “Society for Cutting Up Men.”

How’s this for warm-hearted commentary on gender reconciliation: Every man is “the inevitable rapist or exploiter of another woman” and “Hatred of women is a source of sexual pleasure for men in its own right.” Those insights earned Dworkin the status of a feminist cult-hero.

But on April 9 Andrea Dworkin unexpectedly left this earthly existence.

Five days later arch-feminist Catherine MacKinnon, grief-stricken over the passing of bosom-buddy Andrea, showed up on the Stanford University campus. There MacKinnon launched into a paranoid rant about the ever-lurking patriarchy: “Just like terrorist attacks, acts of violence against women are carefully planned, targeted at civilians, and driven by ideology.”

Under normal circumstances, anyone making such irrational claims would be quietly led away to a padded cell.

But Stanford Law School dean Kathleen Sullivan only saw fit to add to the loonier-than-thou atmosphere: “There are many other prominent feminist theorists in our times, but none of their philosophy is as sweeping and profound as MacKinnon’s.”

Then on April 16 MacKinnon published an article in the New York Times in which she extolled the mentally-deranged Dworkin as “an inspiration to so many women.” Seeking to turn her into a feminist martyr, MacKinnon argued, “How she was treated is how women are treated who tell the truth about male power.” [www.nytimes.com/2005/04/16/opinion/16mackinnon.html?ex=1271304000&en=626a94afad2e2a76&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss]

But “Boston Globe” columnist Cathy Young took sharp exception to MacKinnon’s fig-leaf eulogy. “To put it plainly: Dworkin was a preacher of hate,” Young countered, and “if she deserves ‘credit’ for anything, it’s helping infect feminist activism…with anti-male bigotry and paranoia.” [www.boston.com/news/globe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2005/04/18/the_misdirected_passion_of_andrea_dworkin]

Anti-male bigotry and paranoia can have harmful consequences for women, as well.

Last November 17 Desiree Nall, a student at Rollins College in Winter Park, FL was cornered in a campus bathroom and raped. The police placed the campus on “high alert,” warning female students to stay indoors. Women were in a panic. An investigation ensued, eventually costing $50,000.

But the case began to unravel when Nall, a local women’s rights activist, gave inconsistent details about the incident and refused to assist with the composite sketches. Two days later, Nall called the police and admitted the whole thing was a hoax. Police officers later speculated that Nall was trying to “make a statement” about sexual violence. [www.ifeminists.net/introduction/editorials/2005/0420.html]

Equally worrisome is how some persons dismiss feminists’ malicious antics as harmless fun.

A few days ago Jeffrey Zaslow wrote an article in the “Wall Street Journal” about girls who wear T-shirts with the slogan, “Boys are Stupid, Throw Rocks at Them.” Festooned with the light-hearted title, “Girl Power as Boy Bashing,” the article implies that hate speech is somehow a legitimate expression of female empowerment. [http://mensnewsdaily.com/blog/nononsensedating/2005_04_21_nononsensedating_archive.html]

Sometimes I feel a little silly stating the obvious, but girls wearing clothes that preach violence and hate is not normal.

It’s no coincidence that feminist hate speech revolves around the issue of domestic violence. That’s because years ago the rad-fems highjacked the federal Violence Against Women Act, and have relentlessly milked the issue to inflame the fears of women. This, despite the fact that women are just as likely as men to commit domestic violence. [www.law.fsu.edu/journals/lawreview/downloads/304/kelly.pdf]

The Violence Against Women Act, which underwrites the radical feminist cause to the tune of $1 billion a year, is set to expire on September 30 of this year. As of this writing, no renewal legislation has been introduced, and time is running short.

Is it possible that the end of feminist hate speech is at hand?

 
At 8:16 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Sentence trivialises sex violence against children
Tuesday, 3 May 2005, 9:26 am
Press Release: Stop Demand
stop demand
A call for action to stop sexual violence against children.

Media Release 2 May 2005


Sentence handed down to lawyer trivialises sexual predation of children

The paltry fine imposed on a lawyer convicted of importing objectionable material trivialises the sexual exploitation of children and young people, says an organization working to combat the trade.

Wayne McKeague, a Queenstown lawyer and councillor, was today fined $2,700 for importing sexual images of girls aged 12-14 years, as part of the nationwide Operation Tercel swoop. The conviction attracted a maximum six-month prison sentence.

Anti-child pornography campaigner, and barrister, Denise Ritchie of Stop Demand Foundation said “Wayne McKeague might present to some as holding a ‘respectable’ position in society but his conviction for trading in such images exposes him as a sexual predator and sexual exploiter of young girls for whom the New Zealand Courts are bound by domestic and international law to protect. Whatever his weak excuses, McKeague has a sexual interest in underage girls. These images exist for one reason only - the sexual arousal and sexual gratification of the viewer. The paltry fine handed down by the Court shows an utter disregard for child victims of sexual exploitation, it minimises the seriousness of the sexual degradation of the victims and reflects little understanding of the enormous harm to the dignity and well-being of the child victims used to create these images. Girls aged 12-14 years are children and have as much right to be protected from sexual exploitation as younger children.”

“If we are to make any inroads into stopping this modern-day sexual abuse of children here and overseas, we must work to stop the demand for such images. Imposing manifestly inadequate sentences that reflect neither the gravity of offending nor provide future deterrent to offenders or others in the community is a very disappointing signal from our Courts,” says Ritchie.

Earlier this year the Government substantially toughened laws and penalties for offenders of child sex abuse images, recognising that such offences were sexual crimes against children.

 
At 8:18 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Prostitution of Children

“ . . . the use of a child in sexual activities for remuneration or any other form of consideration.”

- Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography. Article 2(b).

As the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) notes, the prostitution of children is one manifestation of the use of a child in sexual activities for remuneration or any other form of consideration. Most generally, it means that a party other than the child benefits from a commercial transaction in which the child is made available for sexual purposes - either an exploiter intermediary (pimp) who controls or oversees the child’s activities for profit, or an abuser who negotiates an exchange directly with a child in order to receive sexual gratification. The provision of children for sexual purposes may also be a medium of exchange between adults. The prostitution of children is closely connected to the trafficking of children for sexual purposes and child pornography, while child sex tourism generally falls into the category of prostitution.

The prostitution of children is usually conducted in particular environments, such as from brothels, or bars and clubs, or homes, or particular streets and zones. Sometimes it is not organised, but most usually it is, either on a small scale through individual exploiter-pimps or on a large scale through extensive criminal networks. Children also engage in prostitution, however, when they exchange sex outside these locations and in return not only for basic needs such as accommodation, food, clothing, drugs or safety, but also for favours such as higher grades at school or extra pocket money for desired consumer goods otherwise out of their reach. In all these cases, the key issue is not that children opt to engage in prostitution in order to survive on the one hand or to buy more consumer goods on the other, but that children are pushed by social structures and individual agents into situations in which adults take advantage of their vulnerability and sexually exploit and abuse them. An all too common example of structure and agency combining to force a child into commercial sex is where the prostitution of a child follows on from prior sexual abuse, most likely in the home.

Child prostitution is the most commonly used term in relation to commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC), and the most clearly identifiable manifestation of CSEC, as opposed to commercial sexual exploitation through child marriage, domestic labour and the trafficking of children for sexual purposes. It was the limitations of the term ‘child prostitution’ that led to the development in the mid-1990s of ‘commercial sexual exploitation of children’ as a more encompassing description of specific forms of sexual violence against children. Nevertheless, ‘child prostitution’ remains in common usage and is indeed embedded in international instruments. Yet ‘child prostitution’ and ‘child prostitute’ continue to carry problematic connotations. This is because these constructions, on their own, fail to make it clear that children cannot be expected to make an informed choice to prostitute themselves; the act of prostituting a child is in fact carried out by another party, as is made clear in the definition provided by the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography. These terms do not adequately express a child’s experience of force, exploitation, and physical and psychological harm inflicted through their engagement in prostitution. In addition, worldwide public understanding of ‘prostitution’ and ‘prostitute’ has been shifting as a result of the introduction of terms such as ‘sex worker’, intended to raise the perceived status of women in prostitution. However, when it comes to children, to refer to ‘sex work’ is wholly misleading; again, it downplays the criminal exploitation committed against a child forced into prostitution and suggests that a child ‘worker’ has somehow chosen to follow a ‘profession’. In light of these concerns, it is preferable to avoid the term ‘child prostitute’ altogether, and always to make it clear that a child engaged in prostitution has been forced by other people and by circumstances into commercial sex. It is adults who create ‘child prostitution’ through their demand for children as sexual objects, their misuse of power and their desire for profit.

 
At 8:20 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Sexual Exploitation

People with developmental disabilities are particularly vulnerable and in need of protection from sexual exploitation. Exploitation can be defined as one person taking advantage of another person without their consent. It also entails situations in which the accused induces the victim to engage in an activity by abusing a position of trust, power or authority to rob a person of free will. In other words, it has been said that sexual exploitation involves a breach of trust. For people with developmental disabilities, sexual exploitation may be initiated by peers, acquaintances, family members, or caregivers.

There are many explanations why people with developmental disabilities may be at increased risk of sexual exploitation.

Dependence: Many people with developmental disabilities are acutely dependent on their caregivers for such needs as bathing, dressing, using the toilet, etc., but frequently they have little choice as to who assists them with day-to-day personal care. They are less likely to report exploitation or take steps against the exploiter due to fear of losing services they depend on. They are less likely to understand what is happening to them, in terms of the exploitative nature of the relationship, and they are less likely to question caregivers and those in positions of authority.
Need for Acceptance: While the need to be liked or accepted can lead to sexual exploitation for everyone, it can be particularly difficult for those who are less physically or socially capable. Being lonely or isolated and having low self-esteem can increase this vulnerability.
Lack of Communication: Difficulty communicating can increase a consumer's vulnerability to exploitation as the exploiter may know that there is less likelihood of “getting caught” as the situation may not be reported. Caregivers should always be aware of subtle, non-verbal attempts to communicate potentially exploitive relationships and situations. For example, this could be exhibited as a consumer who is suddenly fearful of one particular person or suddenly begins to hoard certain personal items.
Power and Authority: In any care-giving relationship, there is always an element of power. Persons with developmental disabilities may not only be physically but also psychologically dependent on caregivers. The tendency to comply with instructions of “those in charge” may lead to learned compliance with authority figures. This can be particularly troublesome if instead of support and protection, the caregiver exploits the caregiver-consumer relationship to meet his or her own needs. The atmosphere of trust is undermined when attempts by the consumer to terminate the relationship are met with threats or intimidation, thus heightening the dependent relationship.
Pattern of Victimization: There are risk factors that exist inherent in care giving settings, particularly in situations where consumers did not choose housemates or caregivers and cannot always change these if they are unhappy or uncomfortable, thus allowing situations of victimization to continue. Historically, it has been shown that a consumer who has experienced exploitation and other victimization previously is at increased vulnerability. It is important that sufficient supervision be provided so that incidents of abuse and exploitation do not occur.
Difficulties in Personal Relationships: Persons with developmental disabilities typically need education and encouragement to develop satisfactory personal relationships. If appropriate social relationships do not exist, inappropriate relationships (i.e., with staff, peers, etc.) may be allowed to develop or continue. If difficulties exist in forming appropriate social relationships, a phenomenon known as “transference” may develop where a consumer sees the caregiver as fulfilling another role in their lives (i.e., father figure, girlfriend, etc.). It is important for providers to present instruction and opportunities for consumers to develop fulfilling personal relationships.
Providers possess unique information about current consumer skills and needs that is necessary to develop effective training programs. When participating in the interdisciplinary team, providers can assist in developing strategies to lessen the possibility of sexual exploitation after assessing the consumer's risk. Some questions assessments should answer include:

Does the consumer:

Have some concept of their own and other's privacy?
Know what things are appropriate in various types of relationships? Does the consumer know what is appropriate behavior with people in various roles (peers, co-workers, family members, staff) or in public or private situations?
Know how to set boundaries and have their own personal space?
Know that no one else is allowed to touch the private parts of their body, except for specific reasons, such as a physician's examination?
Know whom to kiss, whom to hug, and whom to greet in some other way?
Know that having sex for money (gifts, food, jewelry, etc.) is both illegal and dangerous?
Know how (and to whom) to report if they're asked to have sex for money? Are forced to have sex against their will? Have been or are in situations that make them feel uncomfortable?
The Role of the Service Provider
Service providers may be confronted with issues surrounding sexual exploitation. Misunderstandings about persons with developmental disabilities may lead to providers not recognizing what constitutes sexual exploitation. Staff members may believe that people with developmental disabilities are either sexually repressed (perpetual children incapable of having sex or sexual interests) or that they are sexually uncontrolled – individuals who regularly engage in aberrant sexual behaviors. Knowing how to recognize and respond to exploitation can lead to decreased risks for consumers.

Staff need to know how to react when a consumer reports being a victim of sexual exploitation. Some things to remember include the following:

Check for any injuries and seek medical attention as needed.
Safeguard the consumer.
Provide care and support.
Report the incident.
To increase recognition of sexual exploitation, please see the list of possible symptoms included on the webpage targeted to Clinical Professionals at this website.

When a Consumer Initiates Sexual Expression Toward Staff
Staff are often in need of guidance on what is appropriate versus inappropriate expressions of affectionate behavior. It is important to clarify what the provider's policy is concerning staff to consumer expressions of affection.

Any sexual expression between consumers and staff members (paid or voluntary) is unacceptable, even if the expression is initiated by the consumer. How to maintain appropriate caregiver-consumer boundaries should be addressed in new staff orientation, as a part of staff supervision, and in policies and procedures regarding staff expectations. In addition, providers may want to include information in this training on how staff members can deal with their own potential attraction toward a consumer. Suggested topics for staff training can be found in The Prevention of Sexual Abuse of People with Developmental Disabilities (1990) by Sobsey and Mansell.

The Arc of the United States has published the following guidelines for staff members who find themselves in a situation where a consumer makes a sexual overture to them. In a non-threatening, non-punitive and non-judgmental manner, the staff person should:

Inform the consumer that sexual expression by staff or volunteers is not appropriate behavior.
Document the behavior and action and report further (i.e., to the supervisor) as appropriate for the organization.
If deemed appropriate, the consumer's interdisciplinary team will meet to address the need for further intervention (i.e., sexuality education, counseling).

 
At 8:21 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

The Church must support the victims

The leading campaigner on sexual abuse by clergy says that the churches must stop sweeping exploitation under the carpet - and calls for a change in the law to ban clergy involving those in their pastoral care in sexual relationships

Margaret Kennedy
Sunday July 20, 2003

Nothing can be more destructive of trust than for ministers and priests to abuse the power they hold within their communities. Yet the sexual exploitation of women has been a growing problem involving clergy of all denominations.
As today's Observer investigation and our own research at MACSAS shows, more than 120 women have made detailed allegations of sexual assaults or exploitation by clergy. Many more women in similar situations have yet to come forward.

This exploitation has, to date, received little of the concern given to the scandal of child abuse within the churches. Yet, in working with victims, we have found a similar pattern of evasion and refusal to admit to the scale of the problem or of the church authorities' central responsibility to support the victim. There is often a refusal to even admit that these relationships are improper at all.

In the United States, clergy abuse of adult women - or men - is firmly on the agenda and being spoken about.(See www.advocateweb.org) Sixteen US states have legal statutes prohibiting professionals from sexually involving their clients, and a few of these states specifically cover clergy by these statutes. "Consent" by the woman should not be relevant - a professional should not involve sexually their clients, patients or parishioners in a sexual involvement. It is unethical, immoral, and in many cases, criminal.

Here in the UK there are no such laws. A woman can be regarded as having "consented" regardless of her position as client or parishioner. Yet to regard these sexual as "affairs" is completely wrong. The criminal law must change - all professionals including clergy should be prohibited from involving the people they are helping in a sexual "relationship".

A Priest or Minister has been trained and retained by his Church or congregation to spiritually care for that congregation. He is a professional with a role and job to do. He has Pastoral responsibility for every person in his congregation; every person is 'client'.

In our work to support victims, we have heard from many adult women who have been sexually molested by priests and ministers in the course of their pastoral work. We have also heard from men sexually assaulted by priests or ministers as adults and from women sexually assaulted by female clergy, though these are a small minority of cases to date.

There are two different types of clergy who commit sexual misconduct - those who 'assault' and those who 'engage'. The 'assaulter' grabs, gropes, kisses or rapes at opportunistic moments. He may drive the woman home from a Church meeting and sexually attack her. He may grab her whilst alone in the sacristy. These would already be regarded as criminal offences.

But the 'engager' has a different strategy. He will try to make the woman believe that the situation is one of a 'relationship', of equality and even of love. She may have first gone to him for help, counselling, advice but the engager declares his love and the woman, being vulnerable, feels affirmed.

The contact will be gradually escalated by gifts, home visits, cards or flowers. He will tell her his own personal problems and so breach the professional boundary in doing so, drawing her into his emotional, psychological and personal space. A place she should not be. She may well feel honoured by these disclosures - chosen and special - and confuse this with love for him.

This is not a situation where there is any real equality - which would be essential for the notion of informed consent to have any meaning. There is always a power imbalance. This is not a 'relationship' but an abuse of power. The women who have come forward talk of how they were usually vulnerable and at a low ebb - at crisis point in their lives. Many have a history of being sexually abused as a child or are in a difficult marriage or family situation. The woman is often depressed and suffering from low self-esteem. They seek the clergy's counsel and support - and never envisaged any sexual involvement.

The clergy involved in these cases are usually married - or in the case of Roman Catholic priests supposedly celibate. Most of these clergy have multiple victims, often concurrently. They deceive their victims in a number of different ways. They may tell the woman that sex will help 'cure' them of some difficulty or dysfunction (Therapeutic deception) or that God has asked him to do these things in a 'healing' ministry. (Theological/spiritual deception). The member of clergy may say he loves the woman and tell her how difficult his wife is or that his marriage is finished. Catholic Clergy in these cases plead loneliness and frustration and blame Rome and Celibacy rules as the cause of their difficulties.

The clergy who is a sexual exploiter rarely leaves their wife, in the case of married clergy, or the priesthood, in the case of Catholic priests. Some of these so-called 'relationships' can go on for years as the woman becomes trapped in a cycle of need, gratitude and confusion. Some believe that these are valid, though secret, relationships. Secrecy, however, is a mark of deception and exploitation. Usually the woman bears the brunt of this secrecy and it can take a terrible emotional toll.

The Church needs to wake up to the damage being done through sexual exploitation by the professional clergy. It needs to recognise that these are not "affairs" but prolonged periods of sexual assaults within a cloak of pseudo-'love' and 'affection'. This is a betrayal of trust and ministry.

These relationships are a sham, a hoax and a horrible deceit. They share many similar characteristics to abusive relationships involving domestic violence. Women are unable to extricate themselves as the clergy hold power, strength, and charismatic personality. They don't know who to turn to and feel shame and guilt for entering this so-called "affair" as everyone else perceives it and the clergy has skilfully led her to believe.

The women usually come to realise they are not the only one or that since she sought help or therapy from the clergy it should never have happened. They often discover that the clergy want sex only and have no real regard for her or about her life; that the clergy involved in sexual exploitation are narcissistic and selfish, some even psychopathic and dangerous. The women are unable to get free, some are threatened, some fear blame, some are afraid of others finding out.

These scenarios are not easy to report, as women feel shocked, horrified and degraded. They fear not being believed or even being blamed. Many won't report fearing the Church will treat them as 'Eve' who tempted the clergy in the first place! Often they want to be loyal to the clergy and to their Church. Those who do finally break their silence speak of feeling devastated, betrayed, contaminated and depressed. Their marriage might break down, lose their job because of depression, or be unable to cope. Quite often they say they are simply in 'shreds'.

The victims need to be able to acknowledge that they are not to blame. They have been 'caught' and 'encouraged' into a sexual involvement that should never have started. These are not "affairs"; it is professional clergy exploitation. Victims need to know that they can get support, for example from my own organisation MACSAS, a small but committed group challenging all clergy abuse, of children or of adults, of all Christian denominations. We can offer support and advice. We can demonstrate to victims that they are certainly not alone. We can give advice as to how victims should carefully plan their apporach to the Church authorities. They should never go alone - but bring a person who knows of these situations such as a Rape Crises worker, social worker, therapist or solicitor.

Victims should also consider going to the police, particularly if they were attacked or assaulted. Even so-called 'relationships' could be criminal offences, particularly now within the new sexual offences bill. In Leicester eight women gave evidence against a Catholic Priest, James Deadman, who was convicted of 11 counts of sexual assault and jailed for 6 years. In Sheffield Reverend Chris Brain, an Anglican Priest, sexually molested up to 40 women before his reign of perversity was toppled.

The scale of this issue shows that the Church take much firmer actions to deal with abuse. Clergy exploitation must be seen for what it is. These are not "affairs" but abuse. Churches must implement a serious programme of training about boundary violations and sexual exploitation in all seminaries or theological training colleges and ensure that they develop appropriate disciplinary procedures to tackle sexual exploitation of adults. Churches need to remove offenders from their ministry and to recognise that these clergy need prolonged therapy.Too often the approach has been to simply 'export' sexual offenders and exploiters to another parish. Untreated, they are likely to contunue their pattern of abuse. There can be no more sweeping of these issues under the carpet. It is time for the church to live up to its responsibilities and to support the victim.

· Margaret Kennedy is founder of MACSAS (Minister & Clergy Sexual Abuse Survivors), a national organisation supporting women or men sexually abused by Clergy or Ministers, as a child or as an adult.

 
At 8:26 AM, Anonymous Anonymous said...

Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children:

A Literature Review

June 1, 1999

Prepared by:

Anne Rasmusson

In Collaboration with:

The Alliance for Speaking Truths on Prostitution

and

The Center for Urban and Regional Affairs


Table of Contents

Introduction *

Stripping *

Pornography *

Definition of Pornography *

Effects of Pornography *

Finding Information on Pornography is Difficult *

Pornography Industry *

Pornography in the United States *

Definition of a Pedophile *

Pedophile characteristics *

Pedophile Organizations *

Technology Support for Pedophiles *

Children Are Ideal Victims *

Linking Pornography to Prostitution *

Prostitution *

Sexual Trafficking *

Definitions *

Sexual Trafficking Focuses on Children *

Limitations of Knowledge on Sexual Trafficking *

Statistical Evidence *

Worldwide Presence *

Constant Demand Supports Trafficking *

Sex Tourism *

Definition *

History of Sex Tourism *

Worldwide Presence *

Sex Tourism Exists in the United States *

Sex Tourism is Located in the Midwest *

Demand *

Definition *

Characteristics of Sex Rings *

Types of Sex Rings *

Length of Time *

Prostitution of Children *

Definition of Prostitution *

Number of Juvenile Male Prostitutes *

Characteristics Specific to Male Prostitutes *

How males become involved *

Age of Entry for Female Prostitutes *

How females become involved *

Methods of Engaging Females into Prostitution *

Characteristics of Female Prostitutes *

Comparison of Female and Male Prostitution *

Life Traits Common to Prostitution *

Juvenile Prostitution is Increasing *

Myths Regarding Prostitution *

Information on Teenage Prostitution is Difficult to Find *

How Underage Prostitutes Avoid Detection *

International Numbers on Juvenile Prostitution *

Prevalence of Juvenile Prostitution in the US *

Midwest Connection *

Prostitution Pipeline *

Money *

Health Risks *

Media *

Runaways *

Drugs *

Violence *

Pimps *

Customers *

Exploiters *

Sex Offender Traits *

Exiting Prostitution *

Child Sexual Abuse *

Definition of Sexual Abuse *

Estimates of Abused Children *

Abuse is Linked to Prostitution *

Effects of Abuse *

Conclusion *

Bibliography*



Introduction

The Alliance for Speaking Truths on Prostitution, together with the Center for Urban and Regional Affairs, sponsored this literature review as a collaborative effort to gather information on a topic that affects millions of people throughout the world. Children everywhere, including the Midwest, are being exploited on a daily basis. This project brings together many types of studies, research, and data on commercial sexual exploitation of children in order to gain a greater understanding of the issue and to identify areas where more work needs to be done.

A definition of commercial sexual exploitation may clarify the issue this paper addresses. "Commercial" refers to the exchange of money; "sexual" to the sexual acts that are purchased or viewed; "exploitation" to the fact that a person is used unjustly for the advantage of another. This project identifies the present research available on the commercial sexual exploitation of children at three different levels: the world, the United Sates, and most specifically, in the Midwest. For sections referring specifically to the Midwest please refer to pages 20 and 35.

This analysis addresses the three primary aspects of commercial sexual exploitation of children: stripping, pornography, and prostitution. A majority of this paper discusses the available research on prostitution, which is central to all types of commercial sexual exploitation. This literature review provides basic information on the different types of exploitation, the many facets of each type, and the various effects on individuals, families, and communities.

Initially this information will be used to inform youth, parents, and leaders of what is happening to children within our communities. In addition, this research provides a baseline of information that will allow interested individuals to make comparisons in the future and to eventually observe trends. Finally, this analysis identifies areas of research that require further development before the exploitation of children can be eliminated.

Stripping

Strip clubs regularly promote dancers through their association with the porn industry; porn stars often earn more money by stripping than by performing in hard-core videos. (Juffer, 43). Strip clubs are doubly articulated to the porn industry- both through the overlap in performers and the conventions of their routines and through zoning regulations that set them apart as a clearly male form of entertainment. (Juffer, 43).

Pornography

Definition of Pornography

The legal definition of the term ‘child pornography’ varies from state to state and under Federal law. (OJJDP, Understanding Sexual Exploitation, 3). Under most definitions, child pornography involves a visual depiction of a child that is sexually explicit. (Id.). Child pornography can be behaviorally (not legally) defined as the sexually explicit reproduction of a child’s image. (NCMEC, Child Molesters, 24). In essence, it is the permanent record of the sexual abuse or exploitation of an actual child. (Id.). Child pornography can be divided into two subcategories that focus on actual use. (Id.). First, commercial child pornography is that which is produced and intended for commercial sale. (Id.). The second is homemade child pornography. Homemade simply means it was not originally produced primarily for commercial sale. (Id.). Generally homemade pornography is used solely by the individual that exploits the child. The question of what constitutes child pornography is extremely complex because the standards applied are highly subjective and contingent upon a host of cultural, sexual, moral and religious beliefs that do not readily translate into law. (Campagna, 117).

Effects of Pornography

Significant effects of pornography are feelings of aggression and abuse. Exposure to particular kinds of erotic imagery can result in an increase in aggressive sexual fantasies, aggressive behavior, acceptance of anti-female attitudes, and specifically, in male aggression against females. (Malamuth, 9). Case histories of victims and perpetrators of pornography demonstrate that pornography serves as a catalyst for sexual and other physical abuse of human beings. (Osanka, 116). Some researchers believe that if the perpetrators had not been exposed to or involved in creating pornography, many of the victims would not have been killed, raped, or otherwise abducted. (Osanka, 116). Oftentimes the violence portrayed in pornography becomes real as the offender ‘plays out’ the pornography on the people, and most often prostitutes, that they encounter. (Dines, 109).

The feelings of aggression identified above do not solely affect adults, but also children. There are many cases where children, imitating pornographic scenarios, sexually or otherwise physically abuse other children. (Osanka, 102). A woman who testified at the Minneapolis anti-pornography hearings in 1983 said that her daughter was gang raped by four tenth grade boys who used pornographic magazines to threaten and terrify her. (Id.). They made her daughter pose in the positions shown in the pornography magazines. (Id.).

In addition, pornography seriously affects the children involved in its production. Pornography is psychologically damaging to the child, it ruin’s a child’s self image, it is exploitative, it makes children vulnerable to adults in unnatural ways, it spreads incorrect information about sex, it forever invades a child’s privacy, and it complicates a child’s moral development. (Osanka, 456). Pornography poses an even greater threat to the child victim than does sexual abuse or prostitution. (Shouvlin, 1981). Because the child’s actions are reduced to a recording, the pornography may haunt him in future years, long after the original misdeed took place. (Id.). A child who has posed for the camera must go through life knowing that the recording is circulating within the mass distribution system for child pornography. (Id.). In addition, pornography can be used for blackmail, profit, instructional aids to indoctrinate other victims, self gratification, conditioning to lower a victim’s inhibitions, advertising, collections, sexual record, access to other offenders and markets. (Campagna, 118).

Finding Information on Pornography is Difficult

Because production, distribution and sale of child pornography are secretive businesses, the determination of the extent of the problem is extremely difficult. (Brown, 1979). There are neither national reporting systems nor statewide data-processing procedures to establish accurate statistics on child pornography. (O’Brien, 17). Even in areas where there are reporting systems in place, children are unlikely to come forward. This is because children are afraid to tell anyone about the incident out of fear of punishment or blame. (Id.).

Also, there is a lack of standardization in data gathering, since definitions of sexual offenses vary by state and community. (O’Brien, 17). There are no national statistics on sexual-assault victims by age or sex. (Id.). As a result, postal inspectors confirm that it is almost impossible to determine the extent of child pornography that flows through the mails. (Id. at 18).

Pornography Industry

Pornography businesses cite estimates from $4 billion to $7 billion a year in US sales. (Dines, 17). Both production and sales of pornography are at an all time high (rental and sales of videos reached the $3 billion mark in 1995), and the industry is moving into newer technologies such as the Internet. (Id. at 37). The number of erotic books published between 1991 and 1996 increased by 324% while the overall number of books published increased by only 83%. (Juffer, 5). New estimates of adult videos show that the number of hard-core video rentals rose from 75 million in 1985 to 490 million in 1992, then to 665 million in 1996. (Id.). Child pornography represents a part of the booming sex industry. (Sereny, xvi).

Pornography in the United States

Child pornography remains a major problem in the United States. (Osanka, 466 and Campagna, 119). By one estimate, the sex industry in the United States grossed $5 billion in 1980. (O’Brien, 18). Others estimate that $8 to $10 million dollars a day is spent on pornography. (Hunter, 1994). The best estimate of the approximate number of US consumers who ‘read’ at least one porn magazine in 1996 totaled just over 5.5 million. (Russell, 31). An estimated 43% of American males were exposed to at least one of the seven porn magazines in 1995. (Id. at 32). This is likely to be an underestimate since there are actually hundreds more than the seven porn magazines that were the focus of this analysis. (Id.).

The volume of material produced by child pornographers and pedophiles on a routine basis within the United States is enormous. (Campagna, 119). The evidence confiscated from sex rings and convicted pedophiles indicate that many offenders produce child pornography for their own consumption in sufficient quantities to warrant elaborate classification and index schemes. (Id.). One reason that the presence of pornography is so extensive is that pornography is much in demand and expensive, yet can be produced in the United States at a minimal cost and risk to the photographer. (Id.). In addition, no federal enforcement agency has sought to comprehensively monitor or identify the volume and distribution of child pornography manufacturers within the United States. (Id.).

The amount of income generated from the sale of child pornography is a matter of widespread speculation because of the absence of reliable data. (Campagna, 133). One author indicated that $1 billion is generated by child pornography. (Joseph, 1995). The profitability of child pornography has never been in doubt because of the high ratio of income to expense. (Campagna, 133). The photographer who has a large clientele or a steady buyer at the wholesale level is assured of enough profit to offset the risk of detection, arrest, and confiscation of his goods. (Id.). In addition, the rapid growth of communications technology is making it easier and safer for pornographers to operate outside the limits of the law. (Id.).

Children are being exploited by pornographers throughout the United States. Authorities on the sexual exploitation of children estimate that 7% of the pornography market in the US involves activity between children and other children and adults. (O’Brien, 19). Statistics based on information from three states (California, Texas, and New York), estimate that between 40,000 and 120,000 children were involved each year in pornography and/or prostitution. (O’Brien, 19). Estimates of the number of children involved across America range from the thousands to the hundreds of thousands. (Tyler, 1985). One thing is clear, a significant number of children are being sexually exploited through the medium of child pornography. (Id.).

Definition of a Pedophile

A pedophile is a person who derives gratification from engaging in sexual activities with minors. (Campagna, 18). Child pornographers may be teachers, lawyers, doctors, law enforcement officers, members of the clergy, laborers: In sum, child pornographers are from all walks of life. (Tyler, 1985). Although it is usually assumed that most pedophiles or child molesters are males, we have observed an increase in the number of recorded incidents involving female pedophiles. (Campagna, 21).

Beyond the collecting of child pornography, traits of pedophiles are difficult to isolate. (Campagna, 24). The single most distinctive characteristic of a habitual child molester is a compelling interest in collecting adult and child pornography. (Id. at 30). Law enforcement investigations have verified that pedophiles almost always collect child pornography or child erotica. (NCMEC, Child Molesters, 23).

Child pornography and child erotica are used by pedophiles in the following ways:

Sexual arousal and gratification.
Lower children’s inhibitions for further sexual abuse.
Blackmail the child to keep the secret of sexual abuse.
Medium of exchange with other pedophiles.
Profit. (NCMEC, Child Molesters, 28-9).
Pedophile characteristics

Pedophiles believe that if they do not do physical damage, they have not harmed the child.
Pedophiles believe that society is wrong for condemning them for expressing their true sexuality.
If there is no evidence to prove molestation, pedophiles will deny ever having sex with a child.
The pedophile will often state that the child enlisted the sexual services of the adult.
Pedophiles maintain an inventory of all the child pornography they own.
Most pedophiles want to recount their thoughts and experiences to someone else.
Some male pedophiles are impotent with adults. (Burgess, 29).
The standard strategies of a pedophile are alternating affection and abuse to leave the child confused, and telling the child that the sex is special but must be kept a secret from others. (Dines, 89).

Pedophile Organizations

There are several organizations in this country and around the world that openly voice support adult sex with children. (NCMEC, Child Molesters, 41). Organizations and publications that advocate adult-child sex are scattered throughout the world. (Campagna, 36). They perform an assortment of functions and exist for the following purposes:

To recruit and expedite the exchange of information and correspondence among pedophiles.
To act as a medium for advertisers and distributors of soft-core child pornography.
To promote political activism and organization.
To alert members and subscribers to recent court decisions and active criminal investigations.
To provide a bulletin board news services as to the whereabouts of sexually available minors.
To raise funds for legal representation of accused pedophiles.
To offer sexual stimulation in the form of erotic fiction or suggestive photographs of minors. (Campagna, 36).
Some examples of these organizations are the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) and the North American Man-Boy Love Association, which was founded in Boston in 1978 to "promote pedophilia as a lifestyle, to defend men accused of sex crimes involving boys, and to lobby against age of consent laws for sexual activity." (Osanka, 451).

Technology Support for Pedophiles

The information superhighway has given a technological boost to pedophiles. (Joseph, 1995). As yet on-line services are only self-regulated and acquisition of ideas and materials are easily sent across public bulletin boards. (Id.). Pedophiles can easily contact each other and can contact children without postal service restrictions applying and without leaving the privacy of their own homes. (Id.).

An example of the ease in which the sexual exploitation of children occurs over the Internet is the Orchid Club. The Orchid Club was once a lurid corner on the information superhighway, an Internet conference room or ‘chat’ room were members thousands of miles apart could meet in cyberspace and trade homemade child pornography, both in words and pictures. (Child Sex Trade, 1996). No one could join the club without a referral from a member, and initiates were required to send other members a description of a sexual encounter with a child. (Id.). Members did not only share live conversations, but also transmitted digitized pictures and live video images of children as they were being molested by a member. (Id.).

As home access to the Internet grows rapidly, so too does the threat that this on-line medium will expand opportunities for sexual exploitation of children. About 10 million people use on-line services and tens of millions more use the Internet worldwide. (Child Sex Trade, 1996). There is only a click of a mouse between a normal kid’s chat room and a pedophile chat room. (Id.). Given the anonymity that is possible on the Internet, an increasing number of pedophiles are feigning youth in their electronic personae as they troll through various forums looking for children to abuse. (Id.). Pretending to be a child, the pedophile may converse with a real child in an open chat forum. (Id.). This is only a short step away from a ‘private’ one on one chat room. (Id.).

The computer offers multiple opportunities for identity bending, as users are free to adopt the gender, age, sexuality, race, physical appearance, and other characteristics they so choose. (Juffer, 11). And on the Internet, the line between producers and consumers of pornography breaks down as users download pornographic images and texts from adult bulletin boards and post them to newsgroups, themselves becoming disseminators if not exactly the ‘original’ producers of pornographic images. (Id.).

Children Are Ideal Victims

Child pornographers have little difficulty recruiting willing participants. (Flowers, 122). The pool of susceptible child victims includes runaways, throwaways, teen prostitutes, children from broken homes, homeless youth, drug addicted children, and relatives or neighborhood youths looking for quick money, excitement, or adventure. (Id.). Most children in prepubescent child pornography were not abducted into sexual slavery. (NCMEC, Child Molesters, 25). Rather they were seduced into posing for these pictures or videos by a pedophile they probably knew. (Id.).

Children in general have certain characteristics that make them ideal victims from the offender’s point of view. (Id. at 41). Some of these characteristics include: natural curiosity, they are easily led by adults, they need attention and affection, they also need to defy parents at some level, and finally, children are often not believed when they report instances of sexual abuse. (Id.). A Senate committee report suggested the following characteristics as typical of a sexually exploited boy: between the ages of 8 and 17, an underachiever at school or home, usually without previous homosexual experience, comes from a home where the parents are absent in some manner, has no strong moral or religious obligations, usually has no record of previous delinquency, and suffers from poor sociological development. (NCMEC, Child Porn, 3).

Linking Pornography to Prostitution

Pornographic activity is a commonplace aspect of life for those involved in prostitution. (Burgess, 139). Based on the number of studies examining the connection between prostitution and pornography, it seems impossible to deny the existence of a significant link between the exploitation of minors in prostitution and in pornography. (NCMEC, Child Porn, 53). Former prostitute, Terese, described the connection between pornography and prostitution when she spoke on behalf of a group of women who were all former Minneapolis prostitutes at a series of hearings in Minneapolis. She stated, "We were all introduced to prostitution through pornography, there were no exceptions in our group, and we were all under 18. Pornography was our textbook. We learned the tricks of the trade by men exposing us to pornography and us trying to mimic what we saw. I could not stress enough what a huge influence we feel this was." (Osanka, 107).

Much recent literature refers to the interrelationship between pornography and juvenile prostitution, but there is no empirical research demonstrating such a relationship. (Weisberg, 68). Weisberg found that there appears to be no involvement between pornography and prostitution for males. (Id. at 69). However, some studies have shown a direct link between female prostitutes and pornography. (Flowers, 119). Female prostitution and the sex exploitation industry have also been shown to correlate with other criminal activity, such as organized crime and drug dealing, as well as with sexually transmitted diseases, promiscuity and child sexual abuse. (Id.).

Prostitution

This chapter addresses the many aspects of child prostitution found throughout the world. Included in this section are sexual trafficking, sex tourism, sex rings, and child prostitution. Each section summarizes the available information on the demand, location, and dynamics of each aspect of prostitution.

Sexual Trafficking

Definitions

The broadest definition of sexual trafficking is the sexual exploitation of a person under the age of eighteen for pleasure or financial gain. (Campagna, 4). This can include a multitude of crimes: child pornography, prostitution, sex rings, molestation (outside of the family), sex tourism industry, white slavery, bogus adoption schemes, nude dancing or modeling, apprenticeship or recruitment for prostitution, procuring, and indenturing. (Id. at 5). Campagna uses a broad definition because each offense represents a specific market that shares several characteristics with the other markets, including an underage victim, one or more adult offenders, and a mixture of sexual pleasure and financial motivation. (Id.). When the commercial element is present, the victim is compelled to exchange the use of his or her body for money, food, shelter alcohol, or drugs. (Id.).

A narrower view of sexual trafficking is simply the moving of individuals in large numbers across national borders, sometimes known as the "white slave trade." (Ennew, 112). There are two types of traffic, one in which the participant is aware of the circumstances and one in which they are not. The first involves hiring an individual to engage in prostitution in any country, state or territory other than that in which they live. (Id. at 113). The second form is known as ‘disguised traffic’ and involves hiring women or girls to work away from their homes in an industry in which they will likely come into contact with pimps and prostitutes. (Id). Victims are coerced into prostitution by being forced to repay debts to the employment agency that paid for their ticket to another country and found them employment. (Id.). It should be noted that it is not only women that are trafficked, many males and children are also victims of sexual trafficking. (Altink, 6-7).

Sexual Trafficking Focuses on Children

One kind of traffic specializes in young children. (Ennew, 115). Most of the information on this topic has been gathered by French lawyer Renee Bridel, who alleges that children are either bought from desperate, impoverished parents by false adopters who offer a better life abroad, or kidnapped and sold to middle men who ship them abroad. (Id.). A typical report is that in which a Bolivian lawyer was accused of having bought a boy from kidnappers for $40 and sold him to a Belgian couple for $10,000. (Id.). There is little empirical evidence for making a specific link between sex tourism and child prostitution, but it is evident that it exists. (Id. at 111).

Limitations of Knowledge on Sexual Trafficking

One of the greatest obstacles to the study if sexual trafficking in minors is the popular misconception that a wealth of information about these offenses has already been accumulated. (Campagna, 8). The unfortunate fact is that such a foundation of knowledge does not exist. (Id.). Theories and stereotypes abound, but hard facts are woefully absent. (Id.). There remains an enormous volume of illegal behavior connected with sexual trafficking that is, at best, only partially reflected in official statistics. (Id. at 9). In short, more is known about the volume and nature of shoplifting in the United States than about any specific offense relating to the sexual exploitation of children. (Id.).

Statistical Evidence

Estimates of the number of victims of trafficking vary considerably due to the variations on the definition of trafficking. (Altink, 2). Thousands or even millions of individuals are supposed to be trafficked worldwide, depending on the source. (Id. at 3). Advocates say that more than 1 million children are affected by the child sex trade each year. (Child Sex Trade, 1996). This number is growing, according to human rights groups and child advocates. (Id.).

Worldwide Presence

Sexual trafficking occurs not only in Europe, but worldwide, not only from north to south, but from Latin America to southern Europe and the Middle East, from southeast Asia to the Middle East and central and northern Europe, from South America to North America and Europe, and from eastern Europe to western Europe. (Altink, 1). According to a United Nations official, trafficking in women is more profitable than arms or drug smuggling. (Id. at 2). In Asia several routes are well used: Women and girls are sent from Burma to Thailand, from Nepal to India, from Vietnam to Cambodia. (Child Sex Trade, 1996).

Constant Demand Supports Trafficking

The various market entrepreneurs operate on the premise that demand, though it may be periodically restrained by law enforcement, will never disappear. (Campagna, 6). Trafficking is supported by various human desires, including sexual gratification, the pursuit of profit, and a depraved sort of personal fulfillment. (Id.).

Sex Tourism



Definition

Sex tourism is traveling to another country for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Package holidays are arranged for tourists through travel agents in the developed world. (Ennew, 107). Sexual experience is an explicit part of the package, indeed it may be the only object of the journey. (Id. at 108).

History of Sex Tourism

The inclusion of sexual pleasure in the relationship between foreign travel and enjoyment is not a recent phenomenon. (Ennew, 102). The assumption of the eighteenth century, as for many twentieth century travelers, was that unregulated sexuality is typical of non-Western societies. (Id. at 103). During the Vietnam War, US servicemen generated a thriving sex trade that generated the third largest source of Thailand’s foreign earnings. (Joseph, 1995). After the US withdrawal, the economy faltered, but Thailand rebounded with tourism. (Id.).

Worldwide Presence

The past 40 years have seen a clear trend toward the commercialization of sex within the tourist industry. (Ennew, 98). In recent years there have been many reports of sex tourism in the South East Asian countries of Thailand, South Korea and the Philippines. (Id. at 107). Tourists who take advantage of sex package holidays travel from all over Western Europe, the United States, Australia and Japan. (Id. at 108).

In the 1970s and 1980s the Spartacus Gay Guides, published in the Netherlands, provided male homosexual tourists with up-to-date advice about the availability of sexual contacts in most countries. (Ennew, 106). Development expert Tim Bond estimated that there are about 2,000 boys between the ages of 7 and 17 that make their living prostituting themselves in the tourist areas of Sri Lanka. (Id. at 107). A factor in the rise of sex tourism is in part the erroneous belief that countries like Thailand were at low risk for HIV. (Joseph, 1995).

Sex Tourism Exists in the United States

There are clear differences in sexual preference which affect the extent to which minors are involved in sex tourism. (Ennew, 106). Whatever the case, sex tourism tends to emphasize the ready availability of young sexual partners in tourist resorts. (Id.). In 1973 a guide entitled Where the Young Ones Are gave male tourist information about the availability of child prostitutes in the US. (Id.). However, once again we are faced with a lack of empirical evidence identifying the extent of sex tourism.

Sex Tourism is Located in the Midwest

Sex tourism does occur in the Midwest. (Enablers, 78). Traveling out of state or throughout the state of Minnesota was common for women in this study. (Id.). The 5 Midwest states accounted for almost 40% of the states listed for travel. (Id.). Most women traveled with other women or with their pimp and other women. Most of the trips were for short periods of time. (Id.).

Demand

Tourism has emerged out of an exploitative system in which national images are manipulated by profit seeking companies for sale to pleasure seeking customers. (Ennew, 98). Rather than an aberration, sexual tourism is a part of normal international relations – economic, political and ideological. (Id. at 103). Many if the host nations exploit this as a vital component of national growth. (Id. at 98). Tourism has become too important to national economies for governments to take ready action against prostitution. (Id. at 111). For example, in Thailand tourism is the third largest component of the GNP, in the Philippines it is the fourth. (Id.).

The main stimulus for sex tourism comes from customer demand. (Ennew, 110). Tourists to such places expect to enjoy a relaxation of the moral restrictions of their own culture, they expect ‘complete erotic freedom.’ (Id. at 103).

Sex Rings


Definition

In the context of exploitation of children, a sex ring can be defined as a situation in which one or more adults conspire and organize for the purpose of promoting illicit sexual acts with and among minors. (Campagna, 39). These acts include the production of pornography, prostitution, adult molestation of children, the sale and transportation of minors for sexual purposes, the use of juveniles to recruit other youths into the ring, and the use of blackmail, deception, threats, peer pressure, or force to coerce or intimidate children into sexual activity. (Id.).

Characteristics of Sex Rings

A child sex ring need not, and usually does not, involve any moneymaking element. (OJJDP, Understanding Sexual Exploitation, 2). When something of monetary value if exchanged, it is usually given by the offender to the victim, as part of the seduction or ‘grooming’ process. (Id.). A child sex ring can involve a daycare center, a school, a scout troop, a Little League team, and neighborhood or runaway children. (Id.). It can also involve interfamilial molestation of children, including the use of marriage or a live-in relationship as a methods of access to children and the use of family children to attract other victims. (Id.).

The following elements seem common to all rings: a high level of planning and cooperation among offenders, multiplicity of victims, longevity of the group, victimization of minors by other children, extensive range and sophistication of sexual activities, and the potential to spill over into the public domain of exploitation, as in the sale of child pornography. (Campagna, 39).

Types of Sex Rings

There are three types of sex rings. (Burgess, 51). In solo rings, the adult operates alone with a small group of children. (Id.). In transition rings, the adult has begun to exchange or sell pornographic photographs of children and tries to pressure the child in the next ring level. (Id.). In the syndicated ring there is a well-structured organization formed for recruiting children, producing pornography, delivering sexual services, and establishing an extensive network of customers. (Id.).

Solo Sex Ring
Transition Sex Ring
Syndicated Sex Ring

One adult offender, usually male Multiple adult offenders Multiple adult offenders
Multiple child victims, from infancy to adolescence Multiple child victims, usually adolescents, abducted children, runaways, and victims of family violence, abuse and sexual exploitation. Multiple child victims, ages 11-16
Often precedes syndicated sex ring or sex for hire operation (child prostitution) Exchange items (child pornography and erotica)

Above (NCMEC, Children traumatized, 13.).

Length of Time

An adult acting alone in collusion with others may exploit dozens of children for decades, thus spawning a new generation of future offenders. (Campagna. 39).

Prostitution of Children

Definition of Prostitution

Prostitution is the use of or participation of persons under the age of 18 in sexual acts with adults or other minors where no force is present, including intercourse, oral sex, anal sex, and sadomasochistic activities where money is involved. (Flowers, 69). Juvenile prostitution is simply the sale of youthful sexuality. (Ennew, 111). Because youth and physical attractiveness are for sale alongside sexuality, it follows that higher prices will be paid for younger and more attractive prostitutes. (Id. at 112). Juvenile prostitution is one of the pivotal crimes of sexual trafficking. (Campagna, 57). From it other forms of exploitation develop, such as involvement in pornography, apprenticeships, and recruitment. (Id.).

Number of Juvenile Male Prostitutes

It is unknown just how many male prostitutes there are in the United States. (Flowers, 134). However, it is believed that approximately 35-40% of juvenile prostitutes are male. (Sponsler, 1993). Some researchers believe the number to be at least equal to the number of female prostitutes. (Flowers, 134). Campagna estimates that there are approximately 100,000 to 200,000 full-time juvenile hustlers of both sexes. (Cohen, 1987). James and Lloyd offer higher estimates of about 300,000 male juveniles. (Id.).

Characteristics Specific to Male Prostitutes

Historically boys have been involved in organized prostitution to a greater degree than girls. (Cohen, 1987). Callboy networks exists throughout the country. (Id.). In addition, boy prostitution is often more hidden than female prostitution, frequently taking place in city parks, street corners in certain neighborhoods, bars, bathhouses, and motels. (Id.).

Research differs as to whether boys who prostitute themselves are gay or bisexual. Some believe that one of the most distinctive attitudes of juvenile prostitutes is that many do not consider sex with an adult male a homosexual activity. (Campagna, 60). This is supported by earlier research that found that boys described themselves as heterosexual and said they hustled only for the money. (Cohen, 1987). However, more recent research has found that most adolescent male prostitutes identify themselves as gay. (Id.).

Popular juvenile male hustlers have several traits in common: youthful appearance, including smooth feminine features and a lack of muscle tone, exceptional sexual sophistication or skills, easy rapport with customers, and a façade of naiveté tempered with street sense. (Campagna, 60). The world of adolescent male prostitutes is distinctive for their freelance status, passive roles in sex, lower earnings, bisexual behavior, and methods of customer-hustler communication. (Id. at 63). Boys tend to age out of prostitution earlier than girls, in their mid-teens and early twenties. (Sponsler, 1993).

Another feature is also important; violence is endemic to this lifestyle. (Sponsler, 1993). The opportunities for bodily harm, either to them or their customers, are rampant. (Id.). An indicator of this is that runaway boys have been victimized and murdered in large-scale serial murder cases more often than girls. (Cohen, 1987). The mortality rate for young men is high due to drug overdose, AIDS, and violence. (Sponsler, 1993).

Juvenile male prostitutes come from many racial groups, but researchers overwhelmingly concur that the majority are Caucasian. (Weisberg, 87). Adolescent prostitutes first become involved in prostitution at an early age. (Id. at 94). Most researchers agree that the vast majority of juvenile prostitutes are under age 16 when they first engage in prostitution and the average age for the first prostitution act is 14. (Id.).

There are several categories of male prostitutes:

1. Situational prostitutes- young men who engage in prostitution only under certain circumstances or occasions.

2. Habitual prostitutes - young men involved in inner-city street life for which prostitution is an intregal aspect of a street lifestyle.

3. Vocational prostitutes - young men who view prostitution as a career and regard themselves a s professionals.

4. Avocational prostitutes - vocational prostitutes who regard their work as part time employment. (Weisberg, 40).



How males become involved

There are several explanations for how juvenile males become involved in prostitution. The foremost influence is peer pressure, the subtle actions of friends can prod a novice to experiment with prostitution. (Weisberg, 45). A second explanation is prior sexual abuse, either within the family or by a stranger. (Id.). A third indicator involves prior homosexual experience or preference that encourages an adolescent male to experiment with prostitution. (Id.). One final explanation involves environmental factors such as lack of adequate parental supervision, illiteracy, the absence of a structured set of values, and the depreciation through abuse of the value of the human body. (Id.). Most studies concur that fathers of male prostitutes, more often than mothers, are either absent or ineffective. (Id.). While girls also mention glamour and excitement as their reason for entering prostitution, boys involved in hustling nearly always cite their reasons as financial. (Cohen, 1987).

Age of Entry for Female Prostitutes

The average age of entering prostitution varies depending on the study. Some studies found that girl prostitutes are as young as 5 or 6 when they begin to prostitute. (Flowers, 81). However, most find that the vast majority of female teens selling their bodies falls between the ages of 15 and 17. (Id.). Another study found that the age of initiation ranges from nine to twelve. (Cohen, 1987). In a separate study the children used as prostitutes in some area ranged from 4 to 12 or 13 years. (Joseph, 1995). In a study examining 620 homeless youth it was reported that 76% of the involved youth had sexual intercourse before age 15 years, and 26% had sex before their 10th birthday. (Yates, 1991). A final study determined that the average age of involvement in prostitution was fourteen. (Hunter, 1994).

A girl who begins prostitution at fourteen will have submitted to the sexual demands of four thousand men before she is old enough to drive a car, eight thousand men before she is old enough to vote, and twelve thousand men before she is deemed mature enough to buy a single beer in most states. (Giobbe, 1994).

The demand for underage females, may, in fact, rival that for adult prostitutes. (Campagna, 65). Profit expectations are linked to several factors: the hustler’s age and appearance (the younger, the more expensive), the type of sexual act, the location, the opportunity for blackmail, and the customer’s willingness to pay exorbitant fees. (Id.).

How females become involved

One of the precursors to entering prostitution was prior sexual mistreatment at the hands of their father, stepfather, uncle, or mother’s boyfriend. (Campagna, 65). Most studies have found the home life of the juvenile who becomes involved in prostitution characterized by violence, lack of parental love and affection, and alcohol abuse. (Cohen, 1987). Parental abuse or neglect is widely considered a typical childhood experience of girls who become prostitutes. (Brown, 1979).

Another common factor for many females that become involved in prostitution is a high drop out rate. (Cohen, 1987 and Brown, 1979). This may be caused by change, which seems to be an important factor is increasing psychological disorientation and disruptions at home or school and which may lead to prostitution. (Brown, 1979). A related indicator is that many adolescents that enter prostitution have minimal financial employment possibilities. (Id.).

A general list of factors that lead to an underage female engaging in prostitution include: recruitment, peer pressure, conditioning, a destructive self-image, a need to survive, and a subcultural drift away from the mainstream. (Campagna, 65-6). Others include: money, social excitement, imitation, anger toward men, lack of parental attention, early sexual experience, drug addiction, and being a runaway. (Brown, 1979).

One author divides motivators for prostitution into three needs. 1) Economic needs of obtaining money for basic items such as food, housing, and shelter. (Mathews, 1989). 2) Status needs: the desire to acquire esteem and prestige and to accumulate those material items (cars, clothes, jewelry) that confer social status upon an individual. (Id.). 3) Psychological need: the adolescent’s desire for adventure, to meet new people, and/or to escape a problematic family or other living situation. (Id.).

Methods of Engaging Females into Prostitution

A primary method of procuring a juvenile for prostitution is through the use of feigned friendship and love. (NCMEC, Female Juvenile, 1). The initial phase of procurement is essentially an information-gathering mission in which the pimp attempts to identify the youth’s vulnerabilities. (Id.). The pimp then uses the information that the victim naively provides him to tailor his recruitment strategy to meet what he perceives her needs to be. (Id.). He will then offer to meets any unmet needs. (Id.). He will then fawn over her. (Id.). Pimps then use a combination of flattery and charm, the promises of money, protection, companionship, and intimacy to con a young woman into prostitution. (Id.).

Another description of this process focuses on the mental process of the child. The deviant drift begins with the first phase, where a child adapts to a negative self-image. (Cohen, 1987). The negative self-image is followed by acculturation. The third stage is assimilation of the lifestyle and the acceptance of the identity of a prostitute. (Id.).

The Enabler’s study showed that the process of prostitution was subtle: first a weakening of ties with outside individuals, a need to develop ways to survive, and an unrealistic view of prostitution all led to their involvement in this life. (Enablers, 58).

Characteristics of Female Prostitutes

Female juvenile prostitutes come from all socioeconomic levels, nearly all experienced disruption of family relationships, frequently at an early age. (Enablers, 51). Many grew up in families in which one parent was absent, all had left home at least once by the time that they were 14 years old, and nearly half had lived in out of home placements prior to becoming involved in prostitution. (Id.).

The average age at which they started prostitution was 14. (Enablers, 52). Most, at the time of engaging in prostitution, were not school nor attending regularly. (Id.). Nearly all stated that they were using drugs at the time they started prostituting. (Id. at 53). In addition, they were not working. (Id.). At the time they turned out most had low self-esteem and a poor self-image. (Id.).

Other common factors are physical, sexual and psychological abuse in the families of origin. (NCMEC, Female Juvenile, 13). Violence of all forms appears to be an expected aspect of prostitution. (Id.). All of the women interviewed in this case study had extensive health problems. (Id. at 14). In order to survive the violent life of prostitution, juveniles develop an illusion of control over aspects of the prostitution process. (Id. at 15).

Comparison of Female and Male Prostitution

Both range in age from 12 to 18. (Weisberg, 153). Both come from all socioeconomic backgrounds, but recent studies note the presence of a substantial number of youth from middle class backgrounds. (Id.). A majority of both are Caucasian. (Id.). Studies of both male and female juvenile prostitution reveal that an overwhelming number come from homes broken by separation or divorce. (Id. at 154). Both physical and sexual abuse characterize the childhood histories of both. (Id. at 154). Both begin prostitution at an early age. (Id. at 155). One difference between male and female juvenile prostitutes is that male prostitutes are rarely introduced to prostitution by pimps and rarely work for pimps. (Id. at 160). Much of the physical abuse of female prostitution come from the pimp, thus eliminating a major source of violence for the males. (Id. at 162). However assaultive behavior from the customers comes to both males and females. (Id.). The use of drugs and alcohol appears to characterize young prostitute’s lives. (Id. at 168).

Life Traits Common to Prostitution

There are no consistent patterns or profiles that explain why minors are drawn into prostitution. (Campagna, 83). However, the most frequent of all experiences is the dysfunctional family. (Id.). Absent in these homes are nurturing relationships, positive child rearing practices, and concern for the well being or happiness of the children; physical and sexual mistreatment is often prevalent. (Id.). Incest or other intra-familial sexual abuse is common in the dysfunctional family. (Id.). Evidence indicates that families of juvenile prostitutes are more sexually deviant and more sexually abusive than those found in general populations. (Hotaling, 15). Adolescent homosexuality may put a male at a higher risk of running away and getting involved in juvenile prostitution. (Id.). The majority of girls who become child prostitutes appear to have suffered childhood traumas associated with early sexual experiences. (Sereny, 27). This demonstrates that the violation of fragile child sexuality, if it is combined with other family tensions or emotional deficiencies - whether in the child or in the family - makes the probability of catastrophe in puberty extremely high. (Id.).

Juvenile Prostitution is Increasing

From 1970 to 1983 the number of reported arrests of underage prostitutes climbed by over 150%, although the number of juveniles aged 14 to 17 actually declined by nearly 10%. (NCMEC, Child Porn, 49). Studies show that the rate of juvenile prostitution is rising. (Cohen, 1987).

Myths Regarding Prostitution

Prostitution is a natural expression of sexuality and a necessity for inadequate sexual relationships. Actually juvenile prostitutes are often appalled at and damaged by the acts demanded of them. Participation in prostitution is often an threat to their physical well being.
Prostitution is a victimless crime. Prostitution creates a setting whereby crimes against men, women, and children become a commercial enterprise. When a customer uses a juvenile prostitute for his or her own sexual gratification, he or she is committing the crime of child sexual abuse.
Juveniles freely choose prostitution. The fragile self-esteem and limited resources lead some girls to believe that they have no other choice but to enter the world of prostitution.
Prostitution can be an exciting and glamorous life. In reality, juvenile prostitutes suffer pain, humiliation, and degradation at the hands of their pimps and customers. They are susceptible to sexually transmitted diseases and unwanted pregnancies.
The system of prostitution offers wealth to the participant. In truth, part of the strategy for control over the prostitute is for pimps and madams to keep them economically dependent upon the system of prostitution itself. Any profit is often spent as rapidly as it is obtained, reinforcing the efforts that go into prostitution.
Prostitutes have power and control within the system. In reality prostitutes are controlled both by their customers and by their pimp. The more involved one becomes, the more difficult it is to leave.
Prostitution is a deterrent to sexual crimes. There is no evidence that prostitution deters sex crimes. Prostitutes can be victims of violent acts including rape and murder. In addition, young prostitutes can be easy victims for perpetrators
Prostitutes are from specific socioeconomic groups. Teenage prostitutes come from all socioeconomic groups.
Juveniles make an educated decision to become prostitutes. Many case histories support the fact that entry into prostitution may begin in the teens or earlier. These histories reveal that the majority have been sexually or physically abused. For most of these young women the only way to stop the violence was to run away from home, which led to prostitution. This does not make for an educated decision.
There are laws to control prostitution. Historically there has been a unequal application of laws prohibiting prostitution.
There is a difference between being a high-class prostitute and a streetwalker. In either situation the only people prostitutes have contact with are pimps, tricks, and other prostitutes. (NCMEC, Female Juvenile Prostitution , vii-ix.).


Information on Teenage Prostitution is Difficult to Find

Teenage prostitution is an elusive and complex phenomenon. (Burgess, 127). Teenage prostitutes remain an unknown population for a variety of reasons. (Id.). They have limited involvement in family or school settings and they are not likely to admit their sexual activities. (Id.).

In attempting to describe juvenile prostitution in contemporary society, it is critical to accept at the beginning how hopelessly incomplete the evidence is or can ever be. (NCMEC, Child Porn, 51). The nature of prostitution, its existence outside the law, outside legitimate business, and outside mainstream society, makes it wholly unsuitable for ‘scientific’ study. (Id.). The number of children involved in prostitution is hopelessly elusive. (Id.). In fact, no reliable estimate exists or is even possible, given the absence of census data on the subject, the inherent limitations of police information, and the weaknesses of unsupported estimates by social service providers and popular journalists who reach only a tiny fraction of juvenile prostitutes in highly specific settings. (Id.).

Other researchers, including the federal government, concur with this finding. Because prostitution has attracted the attention of many disciplines, there is little coherence in the theoretical basis across the various studies. (Brannigan, 1997). Studies on child prostitution are too few and difficult to compare. (Joseph, 1995). Few researchers have specifically dealt with the area of prostitution among adolescent girls. (Brown, 1979). Since the only visible part of adolescent prostitution is on the street, it is difficult to determine the total number of adolescents involved. (Mathews, 1989). The Unites States Government Accounting Office, in a survey of all states and 22 of the largest cities, was unable to obtain sufficient responses to hazard a guess. (Cohen, 1987).

How Underage Prostitutes Avoid Detection

This section suggests the reason why identifying those involved in prostitution is so difficult. Underage hustlers are able to avoid detection or interception by the criminal justice system for several reasons. (Campagna, 78). Foremost is the use of false identification papers for the ‘older-looking’ kiddie pro that can easily pass a casual street examination by police officers. (Id.). A second reason is the arrest priorities of police organizations, which do not focus on the easily released prostitutes. (Id.). Third is the realization that neither the juvenile hustler nor customer is likely to file a complaint in the event either person is victimized. (Id.). The ‘see no evil, hear no evil syndrome’ represents a fourth reason. (Id.). A fifth reason that underage hustlers escape detection is the absence of effective curfew, truancy, and loitering laws or ordinances. (Id.). A final reason for the success of hustlers in avoiding detection is their extraordinary mobility, which when combined with their lack of accountability, makes them difficult to track. (Id.). When faced with complaints about prostitution, exploiters merely shift the trade to new locations. (Id.). The cumulative effect of all of these circumstances is that many juvenile prostitutes, even those in plain view, become ‘invisible.’ (Id.). Unless a concerted effort is made to identify and intercept minors engaged in prostitution, they are often overlooked. (Id.).

International Numbers on Juvenile Prostitution

Worldwide the number of juvenile prostitutes is estimated to be in the tens of millions, perhaps as high as 100 million. (Joseph, 1995). UNICEF put out a background paper estimating the number of street children who are partially or fully abandoned worldwide to be about 80 million. (Id.). In Brazil the numbers range between 700,000 and a million Brazilian child prostitutes between the ages of 9 and 17 years. (Id.). In the Philippines it is estimated that 20,000 children are involved in prostitution. (Id.). It is estimated by Thai sources that there are over a million prostitutes in Thailand. (Ennew, 90).

Other studies support findings of juvenile prostitutes totaling 400,000 in India, and 80,000 in the Philippines. (Flowers, 70). In Tokyo, Japan 8% of the schoolgirls are estimated to be prostitutes. (Id.). The chamber of commerce recently reported that the number of child prostitutes under age 14 in Bogota, Columbia has quintupled in seven years. (Id. at 177). In Moscow, over 1,000 youths are estimated to be in the sex-for-sale business. (Id.). In most cases the actual number of child prostitutes tends to far exceed the estimates. (Id.). UNICEF estimated that in Asia alone there are over one million minors enslaved as prostitutes. (Id.). As the studies above suggest, the magnitude of the problem of child prostitution worldwide is enormous. (Id.).

Prevalence of Juvenile Prostitution in the US

In nearly every city and county across the country, juveniles can be found selling their bodies for money, drugs, or a place to stay. (Cohen, 1987). It is estimated that there are anywhere from 300,000 to 2.4 million juveniles in the United States on the streets selling themselves. (Cohen, 1987, Flowers, 71, and Joseph, 1995). Other, nonofficial but more accurate, sources estimate that as many as half a million children under the age of 16 are involved in prostitution, with that number doubling or tripling when including 16 and 17 year old prostitutes. (Flowers, 71). Among street prostitutes in the United States, half or more are under age 21. (NCMEC, Child Porn, 57). Indeed some 40 percent may even be younger than 18 years old. (Id.).

Not only does prostitution exist across the United States, but its presence is increasing. A recent survey of child prostitution in all 50 states concluded that it had increased in 37% of the cities. (Flowers, 71). FBI statistics further support: there has been a 183% increase in the number of females arrested for juvenile prostitution, and a 245% increase for males. (Cohen, 1987). Two trends of adolescent prostitution are evident: the number of adolescents involved in prostitution has increased in recent years and the entry age into prostitution has decreased. (Mathews, 1989).

Midwest Connection

A portion of 8th Avenue in New York City is referred to as the "Minnesota Strip" because so many of the teenage prostitutes are runaways from the Midwest. (Cohen, 1987). In smaller cities and suburban or rural counties with no red light district, juvenile prostitution is a more hidden phenomenon. (Id.). Kansas is the state that New York City pimps love most, says the director of the Paul and Lisa Program, an organization that works with children in prostitution in New York City. (Child Sex Trade, 1996). Over a five year period, 33 of 262 children identified as working as prostitutes in New York said that they were from Kansas.

In Minnesota, in America’s heartland, far from gritty Los Angeles and New York, the commercial sexual exploitation of youth in prostitution, escort services, massage parlors, and strip joints is a growth business. (Child Sex Trade, 1996). Minneapolis generally enjoys a reputation as an enlightened, modern Midwest city. (Id.). Yet it has a thriving downtown sex industry, the largest in the region, valued at about $50 million annually. (Id.). In just a decade, the city’s sex district has grown from a handful of seedy strip bars to at least six warehouse-sized strip clubs, one peep show, two saunas, and two large adult book/video stores, all in a 12 block radius. (Id.). There is little hard evidence of child prostitution in Minneapolis, yet advocates and former prostitutes firmly stated that the presence is there and growing. (Id.).

"What is happening in America is so different from the way it used to be. Pimps used to recruit in the city. But they discovered that it is much easier to work in the burbs. The kids are naive, materialistic, vulnerable to the pimp’s message. It is the strangest thing that I’ve ever seen." stated Frank Barnaba, director of a child prostitute rescue team. (Child Sex Trade, 1996).

Prostitution Pipeline

To keep the youths under control and stay one step ahead of the law, pimps often move from city to city. (Child Sex Trade, 1996 and Cohen, 1987). The unfamiliar surroundings can prevent a child from forming friendships or figuring out whom to trust. (Child Sex Trade, 1996). Children are being systematically moved by procurers along the "Pacific circuit" or prostitution "pipeline" that runs from Vancouver to the US West Coast, then west to Honolulu. (Id.). "There is a trend during the summer for pimps to work their young victims west from Toronto and Calgary on to Vancouver, and then on south to the US, partly because the weather is better," states Robert Murphy, a US Border Patrol special agent in Blaine, Washington. (Id.). Besides moving children to the sex market, pimps also travel far to recruit. (Id.). "One New York City pimp recently told of a recruiting trip he planned to Connecticut, Florida, Massachusetts, Texas, Oklahoma, and California," says Frank Barnaba, who works with children in prostitution in the New York City area. (Id.).

Money

Money is a central aspect to the commercial sexual exploitation of children. By one estimate, $40 million a day, $14 billion a year, is spent on prostitution in the United States. (Hunter, 1994). The initial premise used by pimps and customers to entice juveniles into this lifestyle is that prostitution brings wealth. (NCMEC, Female Juvenile, 15). The average income of adolescent prostitutes is difficult to determine. (Mathews, 1989). Subject to the weather and a client’s generosity, a day’s earnings can range from $50.00 to several hundred dollars. (Mathews, 1989 and Campagna, 57). Most earn less than $300.00 per week. (Mathews, 1989). That rate translates into several thousand dollars a month and tens of thousands of untaxed dollars earned annually by a single juvenile hustler. (Campagna, 57). However, if there is a fortune to be made working on the streets, it has eluded these particular juveniles; nowhere will you find a wealthy male or female prostitute. (Id. at 64).

Health Risks

Instead of prosperity, anyone involved in prostitution can expect to contract some type of venereal disease, from gonorrhea to AIDS, in addition to range of psychosomatic illnesses derived from the stressful nature of their activities. (Campagna, 64.) The following is a graph of common hazards associated with prostitution. (Id.).

Physical Hazards
Psychological Hazards
Environmental Hazards

Drug and alcohol abuse Drug and alcohol abuse Drug and alcohol abuse
Infertility Delinquency stigma Exploitive foster and group homes
Sexually transmitted diseases Sleep and eating disorders Placement in brothels
Pregnancy Hysteria Adult criminals as companions
Cervical cancer Homicidal rage Institutionalization
Murder Value replacement Misguided agency care
Genital disfigurement Emotional abuse
Suicide and self-mutilation Peer pressure
Physical assault by exploiters Gender-disturbed sexual identity

The risk of catching AIDS or other sexually transmitted diseases is not a significant deterrent for these youth (or for clients). (Mathews, 1989). Adolescent prostitutes tend to view disease as a risk that is part of the job. (Id.). Safe sex is practiced generally, although adolescents new to the street and others desperate for cash will forego the use of a condom if a client pays or offers a premium. (Id.). However when forced to weigh the risks against the rewards, many felt, at least for a short time, that the risks were worth it. (Id.). For the youth on the street who is living hour by hour, struggling to meet the daily needs of shelter, food, and clothing, information about a disease that may kill them in ten years is irrelevant. (Cwayna, 72).

According to an AIDS specialist a large runaway shelter, an estimated 40% of the runaway, homeless teens may carry the AIDS virus. (Flowers, 98). There is no good data on the prevalence of HIV among the Minneapolis/St. Paul street youth population. (Cwayna, 75). What we do know is that many of the HIV infected youth under age twenty-one have been or are now homeless. (Cwayna, 75). In Los Angeles, information gathered by youth services indicates that 80% of street youth have been involved in prostitution, 40% have used injection drugs, and depending on their ages, between 15 and 25% are HIV infected. (Cwayna, 72). In San Francisco it is estimated that one in four street kids is HIV infected. (Cwayna, 72). And there is no reason to believe that the infection rate among street kids will not continue to escalate. (Cwayna, 72). About 20% of new cases of AIDS are among young adults in their 20s. (Hull, 1994). Given the virus’s’ latency period, that means that most were infected in their teens. (Id.).

There are multiple health problems that are a direct result of engaging in prostitution, and as a result, many adolescent street prostitutes are in relatively poor health. (Mathews, 1989). For some it is the result of a poor diet and stress while for others it is directly related to a sexually transmitted disease. (Id.). Sexually transmitted disease constitutes the most notorious risk to youth prostitutes because almost 30% of those involved take no precautions against venereal disease. (NCMEC, Child Porn, 55). In addition, child prostitutes face other health risks including infections, sterility, permanent injuries from abuse, damage from drug abuse, and HIV/AIDS infection. (Sponsler, 1993). Also, trauma from beatings and rape, complications from persistent bladder infections and repeated exposure to venereal disease often results in chronic pelvic inflammatory disease (P.I.D.) and infertility. (Giobbe, 1994). Other, more serious risks, include: robbery, arrest, violence, rape, murder, psychological injury. (Burgess, 140). These risks are well known to the average prostitute and are identified as something that they dislike. (Id.). Most of the prostitutes in one study said that they received medical care at least every 2 to 3 months. (Enablers, 85). Almost half visited a doctor monthly. (Id.).

Although STDS and HIV have created a public health crises, there is also the psychological distress resulting from the violence that must also be considered. (Hunter, 1994). A study of prostitutes resulted in a diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) for many individuals. PTSD can result when people have experienced "extreme traumatic stressors involving direct personal experience of an event that involves actual or threatened death or serious injury; or other threat to one’s personal integrity; or witnessing an event that involves death, injury, or a threat to the physical integrity of another person; or learning about unexpected or violent death, serious harm, or threat of death or injury experienced by a family member or other close associate. (Hunter, 1994).

Other studies indicate more psychological problems. Some women have fears about the physical aspects of sexual intimacy. (Giobbe, 1994). Others report that after years of sexual abuse and training themselves to dissociate their minds from their bodies during the sex act, it becomes difficult to reintegrate. (Id.). Others engage in sexual avoidance, and still other women remain celibate for a period to heal from the abuse. (Id.). Long term effects include flashbacks and nightmares. (Id.). Public hospitals report that 15% of all suicides are prostitutes. (Id.). One survey of call girls revealed that 75% had attempted suicide. (Id.).

In a study of 620 homeless youth, those involved in prostitution were diagnosed as having multiple health problems, with an average of 4.1 diagnoses per youth. (Yates, 1991). A diagnosis of pelvic inflammatory disease was more than 14 times as likely for those involved in prostitution. (Id.). A diagnosis of rape was nearly 3 times as likely to be given to a youth involved in prostitution. (Id.). More than 74% of those involve din prostitution were also diagnosed as abusing drugs or alcohol. (Id.). Compared to other homeless youth, those involved in prostitution were twice as likely to have a serious mental health problems. Also, they were twice as likely to be actively suicidal or to have previously attempted suicide. (Id.). The high level of multiple drug use, including intravenous drug use, and the greater likelihood of a gay or bisexual male involvement, combined with an large number of different sex partners, place the young people involved in prostitution at high risk for contracting and transmitting HIV. (Id.).

Media

The media plays a powerful role in the commercial sexual exploitation of children. The American culture rewards youthful appearance, seductive behavior, and sexual attractiveness. (Mathews, 1989). As a result, the images in media usually portray the joys and rewards of sex, rarely the problems and responsibilities. (Id.). In doing this, the media acts as an advertising agency for prostitution. (Id.). In light of the predominance of such images, it is not unreasonable to conclude that impressionable and naive adolescents would accept them at face value and wish to imitate the behaviors and lifestyles portrayed. (Id.). It is clear that there is a general lack of awareness on the part of the public, the police, and many social service providers of the depth and complexity of the phenomenon of adolescent prostitution. (Id.). Because of this lack of understanding, mainstream media sexualizes stereotypes of hypersexuality and unconditional sexual availability. (Giobbe, 1994).

Runaways

Juveniles that are runaways have an increased chance of becoming involved in prostitution. Between 11 and 66 percent of runaways become involved in prostitution; the rate is somewhat higher for females than males. (Hotaling, 1, Yates, 1991 and Flowers, 89). An urgent need exists for a large-scale study of male and female runaways to determine how many become sexually exploited, in what ways, who is at the highest risk of exploitation, and what are the short and long-term effects on personality and social functioning. (Hotaling, 1).

It is estimated that anywhere from several hundred thousand to over 2 million children run away from or are thrown out of their homes each year in the United States. (Flowers, 89, Sereny, xii, and Cohen, 1987). Many youths do not run far to get into prostitution, many end up in the same state. (Cohen, 1987). In studying the reasons for running away from home, rural children face more difficult circumstances than urban children in most areas. (Burgess, 10). Children are running away due to physical abuse, violence due to alcoholism in the home, or other bad family situations. (Cohen, 1987).

Runaways often end up living on the streets, and encountering many more problems. The Center for Disease Control in Atlanta reports that homeless youth appear to be a new wave of the HIV epidemic. (Cwayna, 71). Even without AIDS, being young and homeless in a US city is dangerous. (Id.). Emergency room statistics indicate that trauma amongst homeless youth is common: gunshot wounds, stabbings, and beatings are facts of life on the street. (Id.). Because they are available and seeking friendship and shelter, they are easy targets of the pornography dealers and those who seek children for prostitution. (O’Brien, 22). There are people preying on these kids from the minute that they arrive at the Greyhound station and the train stations. (Hull, 1994).

Drugs

Many of the hardships facing most young prostitutes stem from their dependency on drugs. (NCMEC, Child Porn, 54). The overwhelming majority of juvenile prostitutes admit to using drugs as part of their lifestyle, and an alarming number admit to heavy use or even addiction. (Id.). Numerous studies find that male prostitutes are significantly involved in drug use. (Weisberg, 59).

Violence

The most tangible consequences of involvement in juvenile prostitution is the extremely high probability of suffering violent assault. (NCMEC, Child Porn, 54). The vast majority of young female prostitutes will be beaten by their pimps and abused by their customers, often repeatedly. (Id.). Young male hustlers are less vulnerable, but it still remains a substantial risk. (Id.). The risk of violence for both sexes is part of the game. (Mathews, 1989).

Women are tied-up, gagged, whipped, and paddled, engaged in acts involving urination and defecation, are penetrated by objects and animals, gang raped, and forced to participate in humiliating circus-like sex shows for the voyeuristic pleasure of one or more men. (Giobbe, 1994). Prostituted women have revealed a pattern of responses that is shockingly similar to those expressed by women who have been sexually abused or raped by their husbands. (Id.). Most women reported feelings of degradation, defilement, and dirtiness, sometimes for years after leaving prostitution. (Id.).

In a study of prostitution survivors the following crimes were documented: 78% were victims of rape, 84% were victims of aggravated assault, 49% were the victims of kidnapping, 53% were victims of sexual abuse through torture, 27% were mutilated as a result of the torture, and 10 women disappeared or were murdered over a 14 month period. (Hunter, 1994). Murder is a fact of life for all prostituted women. (Id.). The largest unsolved serial murder case in the history of the United States is the green River murders, where 49 prostituted women were found dead between 1982 and 1984, and hundreds of women are still missing. (Id.). In October 1992 an international relief agency reported that 100,000 young women and girls from around the world are unaccounted for. (Id.).

In a study of 136 prostitutes, 82% of the respondents reported having been physically assaulted since entering prostitution, 55% had been assaulted by customers, 88% had been physically threatened while in prostitution, 68% reported rape in prostitution, and 83% had been physically threatened with a weapon. (Farley, 1988).

Pimps

Pimps play a vital role in the sexual exploitation of children. There are two types of pimps. In the first version, the pimp is a villain who lives off the victim, beats them, and makes false promises to keep them. (Cohen, 1987). In the second version, the relationship between the pimp and the victim is seen more as a bargained for exchange, where he protects them from police and perverts. (Id.). In reality, pimps typically treat their women as their personal possessions and beat them to a pulp of they think or behave otherwise. (Russell, 157). A power relationship in which prostitutes are subject to domination, violence, and torture by their pimps, as well as theft of their earnings, would be a more apt description. (Id.).

The vast majority of juveniles used in prostitution are initially recruited by a pimp or subsequently fall under the control of a pimp. (Burgess, 117). Some data may be misleading due to the fact that many individuals do not recognize their present partner as a pimp, in spite of clear evidence to the contrary. (Id.). The number of adolescents working for a pimp ranges from 30% to 84%. (Mathews, 1989 and Hunter, 1994). A common misperception is that all pimps are male. (Mathews, 1989). However, pimps are not the only or major factor affecting an adolescent’s decision to enter prostitution. (Id.). Many young people start working the streets on their own or with the help of a friend or street peers. (Id.).

Violence rules much of the relationship between a pimp and the individual involved in prostitution. Pimps usually impose quotas of earnings on their girls, give them little money, beat them if they fail to meet their quotas, and often have a ‘stable’ of girls who work for them. (Cohen, 1987). Pimps most frequently beat them for not making enough money, being disrespectful to the pimp, violating some rules, or leaving, or threatening to leave. (Enablers, 70).

Customers

There is a definite and identifiable market for the sexual services of adolescents. (Mathews, 1989). Conservatively it is estimated that a total of 1.5 million men use prostituted women each week. (Hunter, 1994). Some studies suggest that the number of American men who use prostituted women is as high as 69% and 84%. (Hunter, 1994).

The customers are generally male, adult, usually but not always professional, often fathers, often husbands, and in no short supply. (Mathews, 1989).

Exploiters

Anyone who promotes, perpetuates, or knowingly derives some form of benefit from the traffic in child sex can be considered an exploiter. (Campagna, 7). These exploiters include pimps, pornographers, booking agents, hard-core molesters, sex ring participants or organizers, publisher and printers of child sex newsletters or magazines, and madams and brothel owners who employ juvenile prostitutes. (Id.). Any adult willing to take sexual advantage of a child is an eligible candidate for the role of exploiter. (Id. at 8).

Sex Offender Traits

Physically, sex offenders come in all sizes, shapes, colors, and nationalities, and for the most part they fit the ‘boy/girl next door’ or ‘good neighbor’ profile.
In terms of education, their profiles span the gamut: ranging from those who never completed grammar school to those with Ph.D’s.
In terms of employment, their profiles range from simple laborers to work supervisors, from professionals of every category individuals who known and successfully operate their own businesses.
In terms of economic class, the range spans from indigent to very wealthy.
As regards to social adjustment, they range from social misfits to social giants who are often perceived as the pillars of the community.
As regards religion, all denominations are represented, including clergy from most of the denominations.
As to marital status, it appears to have no bearing on the problem. Both single and married females and males sexually abuse. (Prendergast, 26).
Offenders who organized sex rings to exploit children sexually were most often middle class and middle aged. (Burgess, 79). Their primary access routes to the children were occupation, living situation, and other children. (Burgess, 79). While many offenders did not have previous offenses, a large number did have previous sexual offenses. (Burgess, 79). Because victims of child pornography and sex rings usually have been carefully seduced and often do not realize that they are victims, they repeatedly and voluntarily return to the offender. (OJJDP, Understanding Sexual Exploitation, 7).

Exiting Prostitution

Once involved in prostitution it is almost impossible to leave it. Once an individual enter prostitution a process begins which leads to entrenchment in the life. (Mathews, 1989). Many career paths are closed or remain unexplored as a result of an adolescent’s decision to work in prostitution. (Id.). The status needs of the individual actually encourage them to continue in street soliciting. (Id.). Also, the lifestyle of prostitution is fast-paces and psychologically addictive. (Id.). Factors that increase the lengths of time spent in prostitution are : involvement with a pimp, the use of drugs, and the unavailability or unwillingness to find other types of work. (Id.).

Skills that adolescents acquire while on the street are not attractive to employers in the straight job market. (Id.). The stigma related to a prostitution related charge only makes it more difficult for an adolescent to find straight employment. (Id.). Once adolescents get the street smarts necessary to work successfully in prostitution, they often become complacent. (Id.). Young people working in prostitution acquire new habits, lifestyles, and value orientations that are in some ways different from the straight world around them. (Id.).

Exiting from prostitution in early years is fraught with dangers from within the system and rejection and abandonment from without. (NCMEC, Female Juvenile, 16). Generally, adolescent prostitutes see their involvement in street soliciting as being temporary, though few are able to articulate a plan for leaving it. (Mathews, 1989).

A consensus on why leaving prostitution is difficult: the life brings some luxury and status, losing family support limits career paths, drug usage increases for some adolescents, the addictive lifestyle makes it difficult to leave, prostitution is an option for adolescents with few skills, street lifestyle and new values entice and trap adolescents, pimps are not the major influence or always violent, peers are a strong influence, and acceptance by the street makes leaving difficult. (Mathews, 1989).

A list on why individuals leave prostitution: illness, pregnancy, finding another job, a relationship where the loved one does not approve of prostitution, finding successful role models, fear of violence, the length of time working on the street (the shorter the time, the easier it is to leave), being able to obtain welfare, obtaining stable housing, getting into a training program, age, self, disillusion with the street lifestyle, finding a significant other to assist in making a life on the outside, getting away from a pimp. (Mathews, 1989).

Child Sexual Abuse

A section on sexual abuse of children is vital to the discussion of commercial sexual exploitation for several reasons. Primarily, abuse of any form makes the child vulnerable to anyone interested in exploiting them. In addition, sexual abuse is often a precursor to commercial sexual exploitation.

Definition of Sexual Abuse

A common definition of sexual abuse is the forced, tricked, or coerced sexual behavior between a younger person and an older person. (Burgess, 335). The element of force is the key dynamic. (Id. at 336). The elements of sexual abuse include manipulation of the child, coercion, force, threats, and virtually every kind of sexual behavior. (Id. at 337). The basic term sexual abuse of children comprises three elements: 1) a significantly older individual who 2) engages in sexual activity with someone 3) who is legally a child. (NCMEC, Child Sex Rings, 6).

Estimates of Abused Children

The United States Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect concluded that child abuse and neglect in the United States now represents a national emergency. (Burgess, 14). Each year hundreds of thousands of children are being starved and abandoned, burned and severely beaten, raped and sodomized, berated and belittled. (Id. at 15). Estimates of yearly rates of child sexual abuse cases range from 50,000 to over 1 million. (NCMEC, Children Traumatized, 2). In a review of nineteen studies on the prevalence of child sexual abuse, rates varied from 6% to 62% of females and from 3% to 31% for males. (Id.). Both researchers and clinicians in the child abuse field agree that the majority of child sexual abuse cases still remain undetected. (Id.). The average rates of child sexual abuse from eight random community surveys indicated that about 70% of the victims were girls and 30% were boys. (Id. at 4). In a study of 148 child molesters, 51% selected only girls as victims, 28% selected only boys, and 21% selected both boys and girls as victims. (Id.). However, boys are less likely to report sexual abuse than girls. (Id.).

Both sexual and physical abuse are reported by large percentages of youth on the streets. (Cwayna, 21). In a 1991 survey conducted by the Wilder Foundation of eighty-one homeless youths in Minnesota, 51% of the girls and 12% of the boys reported having been sexually abused by an adult. (Id.). Physical abuse was more commonly reported, with 62% of girls and 34% of boys reporting such abuse at the hands of an adult. (Id.). Thirty percent of the respondents reported both sexual and physical abuse. (Id.). In a report prepared for the US Senate on the youth served under the Runaway and Homeless Youth Act in 1989, 26% of homeless youth and 29% of runaways reported physical or sexual abuse. (Id.). It is well documented that victims of abuse, whether sexual or not, suffer from low self-esteem and depression and are more likely to be violent or abusive towards others. (Id.).

Hennepin County reported in 1979 that as many boys as girls in the lower elementary school age levels told of having experienced some form of sexual abuse. (O’Brien, 22). Data from many parts of the country point to the conclusion that, in younger children, as many boys as girls are vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation but that boys are more reluctant to report such incidents to adults. (Id. at 23). Recent research suggests that at least one in every four or five women experiences some form of sexual abuse before 18 years of age. (Gillman, 1989). Increased reporting of male victimization and new interview-based studies with males suggest that sexual abuse of boys may be much more widespread than previously believed. (Id.). In addition, one researcher suggests that perhaps 25% of all victims are abused before the age of seven. (Id.).

Abuse is Linked to Prostitution

The relationship between child prostitution and child sexual abuse has been well established. (Flowers, 106). In a study of 55 survivors of prostitution 85% report being victims of incest as children, 90% were physically abused, and 98% were emotionally abused. (Hunter, 1994). Sexually abuse children are more likely to run away, and sexually abuse runaways are more likely to enter prostitution. (Hotaling, 14). The current evidence suggests that a history of sexual abuse makes the subsequent sexual exploitation of runaways more likely. (Id.).

The vast majority of children who become involved in prostitution were victimized earlier in their lives. (Cohen, 1987 and Mathews, 1989). In an analysis of many studies the authors found that childhood trauma may be only one of several predictors of prostitution, and prostitution may be only one of several delinquent outcomes. (Brannigan, 1997). Other studies support these findings. The evidence of a link between early sexual abuse and prostitution is at best mixed. (Seng, 1989). It appears that the link between sexual abuse and adolescent prostitution is not direct, but requires runaway behavior as an intervening variable. (Id.).

Juvenile prostitution is technically a form of child sexual abuse. (Cohen, 1987) Most people do not identify prostitution as a form of child sexual abuse, because sexually exploited children generally evoke images of young helpless children molested by ‘sick’ adults. (Id.).

Effects of Abuse

Abuse can affect boys and girls differently. Boys often focused on proving their manhood, sometimes become sexually assaultive persons, and are often referred for sexual dysfuctions (e.g. impotence and premature ejaculation). (Prendergast, 71). Many also repeat their abuse behavior on a same age child. (Id.). Girls can develop problems in their adult sex life, see sex as dirty or disgusting, may become an abusive parent without knowing why. (Id.). Girls may tend to prostitute, become promiscuous, tend to marry aggressive battering husbands, tends to lose all goal motivation. (Id.).

Many of the circumstances surrounding the sexual abuse of these children are also identified risk factors for AIDS. (Burgess, 204). These factors include: promiscuous sexual activity with multiple partners, sexual contact which is physically traumatic, intercourse without barrier protection, genital lesions, and the use of illicit drugs. (Id.).

Studies of sexually exploited children indicate a variety of long-term emotional, behavioral, social and sexual problems. (NCMEC, Children Traumatized, 2). Symptoms include physical problems of headaches, stomachaches, and sleeping and eating disorders; psychological reactions of fear and anxiety, depression, mood changes, guilt, and shame; social problems of school truancy, declining grades, and fighting; and sexual problems, such as heightened sexual activity, compulsive masturbation, exhibitionism, and preoccupation with sex and nudity. (Id. at 4). Running away from home, adolescent prostitution, suicide attempts, substance abuse, gender identity confusion, sexual dysfunction, and socially deviant behaviors have also been identified as possible consequences of untreated childhood sexual abuse. (Id.). A study of forty-one incarcerated serial rapists revealed that 56 percent had experienced sexual abuse as children. (Id.).

Other studies report that consequences of childhood sexual abuse have included acting out behaviors: running away, truancy, conduct disorder, delinquency, aggressiveness, promiscuity and inappropriate sexual behavior. (Widom, 1994). An association between childhood sexual abuse and deviant criminal behavior has also been reported in samples of prostitutes. (Id.). For research has as well as clinicians, there is fairly widespread acceptance of some association between child sexual abuse and later delinquent and criminal consequences. (Id.). However, the empirical evidence of this is sparse. (Id.). Childhood victims of sexual abuse are at an increased risk of arrests for some sex crime, childhood physical abuse victims are at particular increased risk of arrest for prostitution. (Id.).

Conclusion

This literature review illustrates two main points. First, the commercial sexual exploitation of children is a problem on a global, national, and local level. First hand experiences and various studies show that stripping, pornography, and prostitution affect thousands of children each day. Secondly, in spite of this basic knowledge, there are very few studies that state the actual number of children involved or affected by sexual exploitation. In fact, this may be an impossible task.

What is clear from this research is that there are specific ways that individuals exploit children. It is possible to make a significant difference in the lives children in the Midwest and throughout the world by using this information to prevent initiation into exploitive lifestyles.

In addition, this analysis provides a baseline of information on the various forms of exploitation. This will allow other researchers to make comparisons and observe trends in the future. Finally, as detailed in previous sections, there are several areas of research that require further development. For example, a current study examining any of the three examples of child exploitation is needed to determine the depth of child exploitation in the Midwest. In addition there is a lack of research that specifically details ways in which child exploitation can be prevented.

Jesus said to his disciples, "Let the little children come to me, and do not hinder them, for the kingdom of God belongs to such as these. I tell you the truth, anyone who will not receive the kingdom of God like a little child will never enter it." And he took the children in his arms, put his hands on them and blessed them. Mark 10:14-16.





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